Balochistan Is In A Perpetual State Of Armed Conflict: What Are Best Options For Bandaging Bleeding Wound? – OpEd

Background and Importance of the Province

Balochistan is the home to the overwhelming majority of 46% of the Baloch population, followed by 34% Pashtoon and 20% Sindhis, Hazara, Urdu, and Punjabi speaking population. The province is a gateway to Central Asia, the route to TAPI and IPI gas pipelines, has a 750 km coastline with a deep seaport at Gwadar is rich in mine and mineral resources like Gold, copper, Chromite, coal, Gas, and oil etc. but most ignored and underdeveloped in all social indicators, coupled with abject poverty and illiteracy province in the country.

Recent Happenings in the Province

At least 73 people, including 14 security men, lost their lives in different parts of restive Balochistan as dozens of militants affiliated with the banned (BLA) — a separatist outfit — went on a rampage across the province, storming police stations, blowing up railway tracks, and setting fire to almost three dozen vehicles on the highway. In Kalat, militants attacked a Levies station, two hotels, and the residence of a tribal elder besides setting alight a toll plaza on the national highway and storming a paramilitary camp in district Bela through a female suicidal attack.

All those mind-blowing attacks were carried out on the eve of the 18th death anniversary of Balochistan’s famous leader Nawab Akbar Bugti, who was killed on 26th August 2006, in a military operation in the remote mountains near district Kholu and more importantly during the visit of Chinese military delegation led by General Li Qiaoming, the commander of the People’s Liberation Army Ground Force and his meeting with COAS and PM. While these meetings were going on, Pakistan’s Balochistan Province, experienced a devastating wave of terrorism.

The banned BLA claimed responsibility for the attacks and stated that the Majeed brigade had carried out the attacks and two suicide bombers, including a female attacker, targeted the FC camp in Bela. The well-planned deadly attacks depict the strength of Armed ethnic groups and the intensity of the issue that it is not so simple to tackle it through a SHO level officer as stated by the Interior Minister in Quetta.

Response from the Government

First, the Federal Interior Minister, thereafter, the Prime Minister rushed into the provincial capital, chaired the Apex Committee in Quetta, attended by the army chief, meeting with political leadership, where the PM reiterated the state’s resolve to bring peace to Balochistan. He ensured that there would be no shortage of funds for the LEAs and approved PRs 60 billion for military operation Azmi Isthehkam. Further, the provincial police chief was replaced and decided to post the 34th badge of PAS officers in the province. The PM said the “time for wiping out terrorism has come”, adding that it is the “unwavering resolve” of the army chief to end terrorism at all costs. At the same time, the prime minister said doors for dialogue “were open and would remain open” for those who believe in Pakistan and “respect its national flag and the Constitution”, “However, there would be no talks with the enemies and terrorists, nor any mercy for the insurgents.

Genesis and Glimpses of the Armed Conflicts in the Province

The history of insurgencies and counter-insurgencies or military operations in the province is as old as the country itself. The first armed rebellion took place when the Pakistan military launched its first operation in the state of Kalat in April 1948; the ‘elected’ Baloch parliament was dissolved, and the Khan of Kalat was arrested. On May 16, 1948, Prince Karim, the younger brother of Khan of Kalat, resisted the occupation which ended in the year 1950 after the release of prisoners and granted amnesty to the insurgents. (Political solution).

The second insurgency started in the year 1958 against the amalgamation of the Kalat state Union and British Balochistan predominantly Pashtoon ethnic areas including district Kholu and Dera Bugti into the infamous One Unit scheme. This armed conflict was led by Nawab Nowroz khan and later on he came down from the mountains through a negotiated settlement on oath but contrary to that he was jailed and his sons were hanged. The rest is history. (political settlement but betrayal on the part of the government), resulted in a breach of trust, which went down in the minds and hearts of Balochs till this time.

The third Balochistan Conflict refers to an insurgency by Baloch separatists against the Pakistani government from 1963 to 1969 to force Pakistan to share revenues from gas reserves in Balochistan. This ended with the freeing up of Baloch prisoners, the dissolution of the One Unit Scheme, and Balochistan’s establishment as a province in 1970. (Political settlement).

The fourth phase of insurgency started in the year 1973 when the ZA Bhutto government dissolved the province-elected government of the National Awami Party led by late Sardar Ataullah Mengal as CM and Mir Ghous Bux Bizeno late as Governor of Baluchistan. They were imprisoned in the Hyderabad conspiracy case. In reaction, the student wings of the banned NAP political party namely the Baloch Students Organization and Pashtoon Students Federation started an armed struggle against the state and many of them went into exile and took refuge in Afghanistan. This phase of insurgency also resulted in a political settlement by granting general amnesty by Martial law administrator General Zia in the year 1977 (political settlement).

The fifth wave of insurgency started in Balochistan, some two decades back, after relative peace from 1980 to 1988 — the latter was the year that civilian rule was restored after the Zia era, and Baloch nationalists began to be reintegrated into the political mainstream. But that uneasy calm ended when, General Musharraf’s rule started in the year 2000, with the arrest of Nawab Khair Bux Maree late. He was put behind bars in a murder case of Justice Shah Nawaz Maree followed by the Rocket fire on General Musharraf during his visit to Khulo district and Musharraf made his famous statement: “We will strike you so hard that you will not know what has hit you.” Since then the province witnessed a low-intensity conflict particularly after China’s footprint in Balochistan, especially the completion of Gwadar Port (2002-2006).

But it turned into the longest and bloodiest armed conflict after two developments took place in the province. One of the pro-establishments, tribal chief Nawab Akbar Bugti former Chief Minister and Governor of Balochistan, and Federal Minister Interior, was killed in an army operation near Kohlu on Aug 26, 2006. The immediate cause of the trouble was the act in 2004 of forced physical abuse committed by a serving captain of the Pakistan Army against a lady doctor, Dr Shazia Khalid, serving in a Sui PPL hospital. Nawab demanded the arrest of the accused army officer but the government refused to accept the demands. Negotiations led by Mushahid Hussain and Chaudhry Shujaht Hussain were held to sort out the political settlement of the issue but the establishment opted for a military operation against Nawab Akbar. Second was the multi-billion-dollar CPEC project which attracted the internal rivalry of the Baloch population and external factors. (Military option rather than political settlement).

Before these two factors mentioned above, the issue of enforced disappearances had created discontent among the ordinary Baloch youths after Dr Allah Nazar, a Baloch student leader from Turbat and a gold medallist from Bolan Medical College Quetta, was picked up from Karachi in 2005. His brother was killed in illegal custody. He became a dissident, formed a Baloch Liberation Front, and launched attacks against state institutions from near Turbat on the Pak-Iran border. This is when the leadership of Baloch dissidents passed on from sardars like the Marris, Mengals, and Bugtis to the lower-middle- and middle-class youth

Reasons for Multiple Insurgences

The causes of the conflict between Baloch and the establishment in Balochistan include strong ethnic nationalism along with feelings of social, economic, and political exclusion. Furthermore, the grievances of the Balochs include inequitable resource distribution and systematic discrimination, abductions of activists, forced disappearances, cultural intrusion, underrepresentation in the federation (parliament +federal bureaucracy), denial of economic rights like non-provision of Sui gas to areas of Balochistan, dissatisfactions over the gas and oil royalty rates and revenues disbursed, as well as the share of Balochistan in the development outlays of the federation, leading to the province lagging, in most socio-economic indices, far behind the rest of the country. Insufficient share in jobs in the federal government and state enterprise, perceived large footprint of non-Baloch workers and the tendency to manipulate, manage, and install pliable provincial governments through blatant political engineering.

The ruling elites must understand the differences between old and new insurgencies in Baluchistan. The Baloch have fought for their rights since the inception of Pakistan, and during Gen Ayub and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s time, their struggles were led by their sardars for which they took to the hills to challenge the state. These struggles were terminated through negotiations.

However, things have changed; the new Baloch generation is urban well-educated exposed to social media. They represent the future, and sardars do not represent them more. They are radical, hungry for knowledge, and anxious for a change from the stifling status quo in which they have been forced to live. Their women are playing an increasing role in political and social movements led by Dr Marang and Sami Deen Baloch.

The political power brokers in Islamabad are least concerned in the ongoing unrest in the province due to the under-representation of Balochistan in the Parliament With 16 MNAs (plus four reserved seats), as Balochistan’s representation in the parliament is lower than that of Karachi and Lahore, constituting only 5.9 percent of the total directly elected representatives in the National Assembly followed by almost nil representation in the federal bureaucracy is one of the reasons fueling sense of alienation in the people of the province.

Perpetual bad governance is one of the biggest issues that evokes resentment amongst the people particularly Baloch youths in the province. Earlier the province was predominantly rural and tribal with the tribal leaders ruling the roost which could be handled through a colonial governance strategy of appeasement of the tribal leaders. Now the increasing urbanization and the rise of the educated middle class in cities have given rise to a different set of expectations which if left unfulfilled lead towards hopelessness which ultimately promotes sub-nationalism.

The poor governance is evident in the shape of the lowest human development index in the province i.e. 0.463 compared to other provinces. According to a sitting parliamentarian, 90% of the annual development funds of the province go into the pockets of influential people, leaving a pittance for the common people. The same is the state of the jobs that are doled out on patronage instead of merit has resulted in unrest and inclination of youths to the armed struggle.

The policy of ruling the province for a long through selective system has hindered the organic growth of political culture and parties and fostered the growth of non-partisan, predatory political behavior in the province. In conclusion, the embrace of proven turncoats carries damaging implications for both political culture and public service delivery and has resulted in a chaotic situation in the province.

The Ways to Get Out of this Chaotic Situation

The province has a long history of violent unrest, and terrorism, including a sectarian battleground because of internal conflicts and external geostrategic pressure from the hostile neighborhood including international players’ involvement, particularly after the completion of the Gwadar deep seaport and CPEC project.

The political approach in the past insurgencies has worked well but since General Musharraf’s era, instead of finding a political solution to end the growing public discontent, the state adopted the kinetic option which has descended the province into complete chaos. Baloch grievances are very real and long-standing. The use of force to crush the people’s voices has proved counterproductive. Since the problem is political, therefore, a political approach through negotiation within the constitutional boundaries is the only option.

Despite its natural wealth, the province is the most underdeveloped region in Pakistan and is ranked low on social indicators. Even the much-touted development under CPEC has done little to rescue Balochistan from poverty.
Balochistan’s Gwadar seaport, which is supposed to be the flagship project of the multibillion-dollar CPEC, has unsurprisingly become the main center of public unrest. While the local population is living in absolute poverty, with few education and healthcare facilities available to them, therefore, the grievances of people must be understood and redressed at the earliest.

It is in such circumstances that many Baloch youth, who had lost hope in the flawed democratic political process, have been inclined to join militant groups. Extrajudicial killings and the illegal detention of political activists have pushed many educated and disgruntled youth to the wall. A large number of Baloch students have been picked up allegedly by security agencies from university campuses in the country. The fear is that they will never come home, therefore, all such activities must be stopped forthwith and let the law take its due course in all such cases.

Balochistan’s future is undeniably linked to mega-projects, but these projects should be part of a comprehensive development strategy that places people at the center. The province must invest in education, healthcare, vocational and skills development, and cultural preservation to empower its population to take an active role in shaping their destiny. It’s time to recognize that human capital development is not a luxury but a necessity for Balochistan to thrive and for its people to truly benefit from the wealth beneath their feet.

Balochistan’s people should be given first rights in jobs and training in the federal government including local and foreign projects, ensuring their constitutionally guaranteed rights in line with the 18th constitutional amendment and NFC award including their rights on their resources and mega projects like Gwadar Port, CEPEC, Saindak, and Reko Diq.

Time is running fast, it is high time that the power brokers in Islamabad should pay heed to the alarming situation in Balochistan. They must distinguish between the bullet and the ballot. They must open all channels of communication with Balochistan’s disgruntled youth. They should come out from the traditional three Cs, condemnation, condolences, and compensation rather than switch over to the three Ds, deterrence, dialogue, and development.

To avoid a total meltdown, immediate course correction is needed. There must be a genuine political engagement with Balochistan’s people, and the democratic process should be allowed to evolve without infamous political engineering from certain quarters.

Only good governance could choke the oxygen for the hatred and sense of alienation in the province. The state should facilitate the rise of genuine and competent political leadership through political inclusion and allow it to continue functioning instead of promoting apolitical, highly corrupt, and incompetent so-called electable for short-term political gains