Erosion Of Women’s Rights And Gender Equality In Afghanistan: Impact Of Taliban Governance Since 2021- Analysis

I. Introduction

The resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan in August 2021 brought about a significant regression in women’s rights and gender equality, dismantling two decades of progress made in education, employment, and public life. Afghanistan, once on a path toward greater gender inclusivity, saw its social and political landscape shift dramatically as the Taliban imposed a strict interpretation of Islamic law. Human Rights Watch (2021) reported that girls were barred from secondary education, and women were excluded from most public sector jobs.

Prior to the Taliban’s return, around 3.5 million girls were enrolled in schools, and women made up 28% of Afghanistan’s parliament, showcasing the advancements achieved by 2020 (World Bank, 2020). These gains, however, were quickly reversed under the Taliban’s regime, which has enforced policies of exclusion and repression, resulting in what scholars like Kandiyoti (2022) describe as “gender apartheid.”

The denial of women’s rights not only affects their personal freedoms but also threatens Afghanistan’s socio-economic stability. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) projected that Afghanistan’s GDP could shrink by 20% within the first year of Taliban rule, with women disproportionately impacted by their exclusion from the workforce (UNDP, 2021). This erosion of rights raises important research questions: what are the specific impacts of Taliban governance on women’s rights and gender equality, and how do these restrictions affect Afghanistan’s broader socio-economic fabric? Addressing these questions is crucial for understanding the intersection between governance, gender oppression, and human rights under Taliban rule. The international community has condemned the Taliban’s actions, yet global responses have often been inconsistent due to geopolitical interests (Human Rights Watch, 2022).

In this context, Afghan women continue to resist. Despite the Taliban’s ban, underground schools have emerged, providing education to girls in defiance of the restrictions (Amnesty International, 2022). Prominent women activists, such as Mahbouba Seraj, have also taken their cause to the international stage, representing the resilience of Afghan women in the face of oppression (Seraj, 2022). Although some argue from a cultural relativist perspective that the Taliban’s policies reflect Afghan traditions, Afghan women themselves contest this, asserting that these policies are politically motivated controls, not rooted in Islam or Afghan culture (UDHR, 1948).

This research contributes to the global human rights discourse by emphasizing the need for sustained international advocacy to protect and restore Afghan women’s rights. The case of Afghanistan illustrates how gender inequality under authoritarian governance can lead to wider societal and economic consequences, underscoring the universal nature of human rights (UN, 2022).

II. Analysis and Discussion

The Taliban’s return to power in 2021 has ushered in a legal and institutional framework that systematically undermines women’s rights, with profound consequences for Afghanistan’s socio-economic fabric. The most pronounced of these restrictions are on education, employment, and women’s participation in public and political life. These measures have reversed two decades of progress, significantly impacting both the individual freedoms of women and the country’s development trajectory.

1. Legal and Institutional Restrictions on Women’s Rights

Educational Bans

One of the most significant forms of repression has been the Taliban’s ban on girls’ education beyond the primary level. In September 2021, the Taliban issued a directive preventing girls from attending secondary schools, affecting over 1.1 million girls who had previously been enrolled (UNICEF, 2021). This educational apartheid represents a stark violation of international human rights standards, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR, 1948), which guarantees the right to education for all. The long-term impacts of denying education to a generation of girls are profound. A 2022 report by Amnesty International emphasized that the educational ban could lead to a widening gender gap, perpetuating cycles of poverty and limiting women’s potential to contribute economically or socially to Afghan society. Evidence from similar instances of educational repression, such as during the first Taliban regime in the 1990s, suggests that the exclusion of women from education leads to long-term economic stagnation (Kandiyoti, 2022). The World Bank (2022) estimates that restricting women’s access to education could reduce Afghanistan’s GDP by up to 5%, severely limiting the country’s potential for recovery and development.

Employment Restrictions

In addition to education, the Taliban has also imposed severe restrictions on women’s participation in the workforce. Women have been banned from holding most government positions, and strict regulations have been placed on their employment in the private sector. According to Human Rights Watch (2021), these restrictions have led to an unemployment crisis among Afghan women, many of whom were the sole breadwinners for their families. Before the Taliban’s return, women made up 22% of the Afghan workforce, contributing significantly to sectors such as healthcare, education, and civil services (World Bank, 2020). The exclusion of women from these sectors has not only deepened gender inequality but also exacerbated the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan, where essential services, particularly in health and education, have been severely disrupted. For instance, the shortage of female healthcare workers has restricted women’s access to necessary medical care, violating their right to health (HRW, 2022). This institutionalized exclusion underlines the broader economic and social consequences of Taliban governance.

Limitations on Public and Political Participation

Women’s exclusion from the public and political sphere has been another key area of institutional repression under Taliban rule. Prior to the Taliban’s resurgence, women in Afghanistan had made considerable strides in political participation, holding nearly 28% of the seats in the Afghan parliament by 2020 (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2020). However, the Taliban’s governance has eradicated this progress, instituting laws that prohibit women from holding political office or participating in public decision-making processes. Kandiyoti (2022) describes this as “gender apartheid,” a form of segregation that renders women invisible in public life. The elimination of women from political processes not only marginalizes half the population but also threatens the sustainability of any political development in Afghanistan. Women’s representation in governance is crucial for inclusive decision-making, particularly in post-conflict reconstruction. Research by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP, 2021) demonstrates that countries with higher levels of female participation in politics tend to have more stable and democratic governance structures, highlighting the broader risks of the Taliban’s exclusionary policies.

While some may argue that the Taliban’s restrictions on women’s rights are rooted in traditional Afghan cultural and religious practices, this perspective is strongly contested by both scholars and Afghan women themselves. Human Rights Watch (2022) and leading Afghan activists argue that the Taliban’s policies are politically motivated rather than a reflection of Afghan cultural or Islamic values. Kandiyoti (2022) critiques the cultural relativist argument, noting that women’s rights in Afghanistan have historically fluctuated with political changes, rather than being deeply rooted in any immutable cultural framework. Afghan women, many of whom actively resisted the Taliban’s policies during their first regime, continue to assert their rights, emphasizing that Islam does not justify gender apartheid. This argument is supported by prominent Islamic scholars who argue that Islam encourages the pursuit of education for all, regardless of gender (Seraj, 2022).

Therefore, the Taliban’s legal and institutional restrictions on women’s rights represent a direct assault on gender equality in Afghanistan. These policies have far-reaching consequences not only for women’s personal freedoms but also for the socio-economic and political future of the country. Denying women access to education, employment, and public life exacerbates existing inequalities and undermines the development of a stable and prosperous Afghanistan. The international community must continue to pressure the Taliban regime while supporting Afghan women in their struggle for rights and justice.

2. Psychosocial and Economic Consequences

The Taliban’s restrictions on women’s rights, particularly in education, employment, and freedom of movement, have resulted in profound psychosocial and economic consequences that not only affect Afghan women individually but also the broader socio-economic fabric of the country. The impact on mental health is one of the most immediate and severe outcomes of these policies. Studies have documented a surge in anxiety, depression, and trauma among Afghan women, particularly young girls who were forced to abandon their education and see their future hopes dissolve. The World Health Organization (2022) reports that the mental health crisis has deepened, with women and girls bearing the brunt of oppressive policies. The WHO estimates that over 70% of Afghan women suffer from some form of psychological distress, a statistic that underscores the psychosocial toll of the Taliban’s gender-based repression. These women experience compounded stress, as their hopes for education and professional growth are quashed, leading to feelings of hopelessness and despair.

The economic implications of the Taliban’s exclusionary policies on women are equally staggering. Afghanistan’s economy, already fragile due to decades of conflict, is further weakened by the systematic removal of women from the workforce. Before the Taliban takeover in 2021, women made significant contributions in key sectors such as healthcare, education, and small businesses. According to a report by the World Bank (2022), Afghanistan’s GDP could shrink by 20-35% due to the exclusion of women from economic activities. This exclusion has pushed families deeper into poverty, as many households rely on the income generated by women, particularly in rural areas where job opportunities for men are scarce. A case study conducted by Oxfam (2022) highlights the plight of Afghan households, especially female-headed ones, who are increasingly unable to meet basic needs like food, healthcare, and shelter. The removal of women from the economy not only deprives families of income but also reduces overall economic productivity, stalling any chance of economic recovery for the nation.

The social implications of these policies extend beyond individual women and their families, threatening the stability and cohesion of Afghan society. The capability approach developed by Amartya Sen (1999) emphasizes that restricting individuals’ access to education and economic opportunities limits their capacity to live fulfilling lives and participate meaningfully in their communities. In Afghanistan, the exclusion of women from public life is resulting in the erosion of social capital and human development. Girls who are denied education today will grow up without the skills necessary to contribute to the labor market or engage in civic life, leading to a long-term deficit in human capital. This will have a ripple effect across generations, perpetuating cycles of poverty and inequality. In the long run, social cohesion and community resilience are threatened, as Afghan society becomes more divided along gender lines.

The broader implications of these policies for societal stability cannot be understated. Excluding women from education and employment not only weakens Afghanistan’s economic prospects but also threatens its future security. Feminist theories of development argue that societies that marginalize women are more prone to instability, as gender inequality fosters resentment, social discontent, and resistance (Kabeer, 2021). In this context, the Taliban’s gender apartheid is not merely a violation of human rights but also a driver of long-term social unrest. In communities where women are denied participation, social relations become fractured, and collective efforts to address challenges like poverty, healthcare, and education are undermined.

The Taliban has consistently justified its restrictions on women’s rights as necessary to uphold cultural and religious values. However, this claim is heavily contested. Scholars such as Deniz Kandiyoti (2021) argue that the Taliban’s interpretation of Islamic law is not universally accepted, and many Muslim-majority countries have successfully integrated women into public life while maintaining cultural and religious traditions. For example, countries like Indonesia and Bangladesh, both with predominantly Muslim populations, have made significant strides in female education and labor force participation without compromising their Islamic identity (Nasir & Hossain, 2021). Moreover, Islamic feminist scholars argue that Islam encourages the education and empowerment of women, and the Taliban’s policies represent a distortion of these principles (Badran, 2011). The notion that women must be excluded from public life to preserve Afghan culture ignores the contributions that Afghan women have historically made to the economy, politics, and social fabric of the nation.

From an economic perspective, counter-arguments suggest that the Taliban’s exclusionary policies are shortsighted and counterproductive. Economic development theories emphasize the importance of gender inclusivity for sustainable growth, particularly in post-conflict societies (Tebaldi & Navajas, 2016). By denying women access to education and employment, the Taliban is not only perpetuating gender inequality but also undermining Afghanistan’s prospects for recovery. Case studies from countries like Rwanda and Liberia show that empowering women to participate in rebuilding efforts after conflict can accelerate economic recovery and promote long-term stability (Adams, 2020). Afghanistan, by contrast, is suffering from the deliberate sidelining of its female population, which will have lasting negative impacts on its development trajectory.

Thus, the psychosocial and economic consequences of the Taliban’s restrictions on women’s rights are far-reaching and multifaceted. The denial of education and employment opportunities has resulted in widespread mental health crises and significant economic contraction. These policies threaten not only women’s individual well-being but also the stability and future development of Afghan society. Counter-arguments that invoke cultural or religious justifications for these restrictions fail to acknowledge the profound harm they inflict, both on women and the nation as a whole. The international community must continue to challenge these policies and advocate for the rights of Afghan women, recognizing that their empowerment is crucial for Afghanistan’s future prosperity and peace.

3. Women’s Resilience and Resistance

Despite the oppressive environment created by the Taliban’s policies, Afghan women have demonstrated remarkable resilience and resistance, particularly in the spheres of education and advocacy. The underground education efforts led by women in Afghanistan are a clear example of their determination to reclaim their rights, despite severe consequences. The denial of education, which primarily affects girls, has not extinguished their thirst for knowledge. Many Afghan women and girls, with the support of educators, have resorted to underground schools that operate in secret to continue their studies. These clandestine efforts resemble the covert schooling systems seen during the Taliban’s first regime (1996–2001). A study by Human Rights Watch (2022) reports that numerous such schools, often run in homes, have emerged to fill the educational void. These underground schools are not merely centers of learning but also powerful symbols of defiance, as they challenge the Taliban’s gender apartheid directly. In the words of one young Afghan girl participating in these secret schools, “They can take away our buildings, but they can’t take away our desire to learn” (Human Rights Watch, 2022). This resilience reflects the feminist theory of gender oppression and resistance, which highlights how women navigate patriarchal structures to reclaim their agency.

In exile, Afghan women have also mounted significant resistance against the Taliban’s policies through advocacy and activism. Afghan women in exile and the Afghan diaspora have become key voices in the global fight for women’s rights in Afghanistan. One prominent example is the activism of Malalai Joya, a former Afghan politician who now advocates internationally for Afghan women. Her speech at the European Parliament in 2022, where she denounced the Taliban’s gender-based oppression and called for stronger international support, exemplifies how Afghan women in exile continue to be powerful advocates for their counterparts back home (Joya, 2022). Afghan women in the diaspora have also formed organizations and coalitions to raise awareness, lobby governments, and coordinate humanitarian efforts. Groups such as the Afghan Women’s Network and Women for Afghan Women have been instrumental in keeping the plight of Afghan women in the global spotlight. Their efforts align with postcolonial feminist theories that critique both local patriarchal structures and the failures of international interventions while amplifying women’s voices in the global political discourse (Spivak, 1988).

Furthermore, Afghan women’s resilience extends beyond education and formal activism to broader acts of resistance, such as organizing protests. For instance, women in Kabul and Herat have bravely protested against the Taliban’s repressive policies, demanding the right to work and to be part of the nation’s public and political life. Although these protests have been met with brutal crackdowns, the courage of these women has attracted international attention and drawn support from human rights organizations. Amnesty International (2023) documented several protests where Afghan women were violently dispersed by the Taliban, yet these women continue to resist, often organizing through informal networks and social media. These protests represent a form of grassroots activism that defies the Taliban’s attempt to erase women from public life, embodying the feminist theory of resistance, where marginalized groups challenge hegemonic power structures through collective action (hooks, 1984).

The Taliban has frequently argued that their policies are in line with Afghan cultural and religious values, claiming that their governance provides protection and stability for women. However, Afghan women’s underground efforts and activism challenge this narrative directly. Scholars argue that the Taliban’s version of Islamic governance is not representative of the broader Islamic world’s views on women’s rights, and many Muslim-majority nations have embraced female education and empowerment without compromising their religious principles (Mernissi, 1991). Moreover, the Taliban’s claim that women are safer under their rule is contradicted by the growing number of reports of gender-based violence, including forced marriages and honor killings that have surged since their takeover (United Nations, 2022). Thus, the very premise of the Taliban’s defense falls apart under scrutiny, particularly when Afghan women themselves, through their resilience and resistance, make it clear that their cultural and religious identity does not align with the Taliban’s oppressive policies.

Another counter-argument presented by the Taliban is that Afghanistan’s post-2001 efforts to promote women’s rights were merely part of Western imperialist agendas, disconnected from the realities of Afghan society. This argument, which echoes certain strands of postcolonial critique, overlooks the indigenous movements for women’s rights that have existed in Afghanistan for decades. Afghan feminists like Meena Keshwar Kamal, founder of the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA), were advocating for women’s rights long before the U.S. intervention in Afghanistan. The efforts of women like Kamal show that the desire for gender equality in Afghanistan is deeply rooted in the country’s own history of resistance to both internal and external forms of oppression (RAWA, 2023).

Consequently, Afghan women’s resilience and resistance in the face of Taliban oppression have taken many forms, from underground education efforts to international advocacy. These acts of defiance not only challenge the Taliban’s repressive policies but also inspire global solidarity and highlight the agency of Afghan women. While the Taliban has attempted to justify its policies under the guise of cultural and religious values, the continued resistance of Afghan women demonstrates that these values are far more complex and contested. As feminist theorists argue, resistance to patriarchal and authoritarian regimes is not only possible but inevitable, and Afghan women are proving this with their unyielding courage.

4. International Responses and Advocacy

The international response to the erosion of women’s rights and gender equality under Taliban governance since 2021 has been marked by a mix of advocacy efforts, diplomatic pressure, and sanctions, though these responses have been criticized for lacking effectiveness and urgency. International organizations such as the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), and human rights groups have condemned the Taliban’s policies and called for the immediate restoration of women’s rights, but the impact of these interventions has been limited. For example, the UN has issued multiple statements condemning the Taliban’s actions, with its Secretary-General António Guterres stating that the restrictions on women and girls in Afghanistan are “a profound violation of human rights” (United Nations, 2022). Additionally, the UN Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan has repeatedly urged the global community to intensify efforts to pressure the Taliban to reverse these policies, emphasizing that the systematic oppression of women constitutes gender apartheid (Human Rights Watch, 2022). Despite such advocacy, the Taliban has shown little willingness to reverse its stance, highlighting the limitations of moral condemnations without stronger, coordinated actions.

Diplomatic efforts have also played a significant role, with various countries employing sanctions and other measures to pressure the Taliban into changing its policies. The U.S. and its allies, for instance, have imposed targeted sanctions on Taliban leaders and have frozen billions of dollars in Afghan assets held abroad. These sanctions were intended to create economic leverage, compelling the Taliban to reconsider its governance approach, particularly regarding women’s rights. However, while these sanctions have impacted Afghanistan’s overall economy, they have not led to substantial changes in Taliban policies. In fact, some argue that economic sanctions may have unintended consequences, exacerbating the country’s humanitarian crisis and disproportionately harming the most vulnerable, including women and children, without achieving the desired political results (International Crisis Group, 2023). This raises the question of whether sanctions alone can be effective tools in promoting human rights under authoritarian regimes.

Beyond sanctions, some countries have also engaged diplomatically with the Taliban in an attempt to push for reforms. Qatar, which maintains diplomatic ties with the Taliban, has facilitated talks between the Taliban and international actors, including Western governments. While these diplomatic engagements have provided a channel for dialogue, they have yet to produce concrete outcomes in terms of reversing the educational bans and other restrictions on women. The challenge lies in balancing engagement with the Taliban and not legitimizing their governance, especially as they continue to violate fundamental rights.

Additionally, the international community’s response has faced criticism for being insufficient and inconsistent. Feminist theorists argue that global institutions have failed to act decisively, reflecting a pattern of selective engagement with women’s rights issues depending on geopolitical interests (Mohanty, 1988). Although the international community swiftly acted in other crises, the relative inaction in Afghanistan raises questions about the prioritization of Afghan women’s rights on the global stage. According to Amnesty International (2023), despite the severity of the situation, international actors have been slow to implement comprehensive strategies that could effectively protect Afghan women or provide them with resources for resilience. The criticism also extends to the international aid community, which has struggled to deliver humanitarian aid effectively in Afghanistan due to the sanctions and the lack of engagement with the Taliban authorities.

The role of advocacy groups and international civil society has been pivotal in maintaining pressure on governments and organizations to take action. Groups such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and Women for Afghan Women have not only documented abuses but have also lobbied for more concrete actions to support Afghan women. These groups have highlighted the ways in which Afghan women continue to be denied fundamental rights, with Amnesty International (2022) noting that the Taliban’s policies “systematically erase women from public life.” International advocacy has thus helped keep the plight of Afghan women visible on the global stage, pushing for increased humanitarian assistance and urging nations to accept Afghan women as refugees. These efforts align with human rights theories, which stress the importance of global solidarity in fighting systemic oppression (Sen, 2009).

While international advocacy and sanctions have been crucial, some scholars argue that these responses are inherently limited when they do not address the broader political dynamics in Afghanistan. Critics suggest that the international community’s focus on women’s rights, without parallel efforts to address the overall political instability and economic collapse, will likely yield limited results (Bøås & Hatløy, 2023). Furthermore, some contend that external pressure alone will not suffice unless accompanied by meaningful support for grassroots movements within Afghanistan. The argument is that international actors should work more closely with Afghan women’s organizations, providing them with the resources and platforms necessary to resist the Taliban’s policies from within the country, instead of focusing predominantly on top-down sanctions and diplomatic measures. Additionally, there are concerns that the international community’s inconsistent engagement, including the early withdrawal of NATO forces and the subsequent collapse of the Afghan government, contributed to the Taliban’s resurgence, making it partly responsible for the current situation (Gopal, 2021).

As a result, the international responses to the Taliban’s governance and the erosion of women’s rights have included advocacy, sanctions, and diplomatic efforts, but these actions have not yet produced meaningful changes. Feminist critiques highlight the insufficiency and selective application of international pressure, while the persistence of Afghan women in advocating for their rights underscores the need for greater global solidarity. Moving forward, a more integrated and multifaceted approach—combining diplomatic engagement, humanitarian support, and strong grassroots partnerships—will be necessary to address both the immediate human rights violations and the broader socio-political context in Afghanistan.

III. Counterarguments and Cultural Sensitivity

The debate surrounding the Taliban’s governance and its impact on women’s rights often brings forth critical arguments rooted in cultural relativism versus universal human rights frameworks. The Taliban justifies many of its policies, particularly those affecting women, by invoking religious and cultural norms specific to Afghanistan. They claim that their restrictions on women’s education, employment, and public participation align with their interpretation of Islamic principles and local traditions.

According to the Taliban, these policies are intended to preserve the honor and modesty of women within the cultural and religious context of Afghan society. This argument rests on the idea that what constitutes human rights should be interpreted through the lens of local values rather than imposing external standards that do not align with Afghanistan’s socio-cultural fabric (Jahangir, 2022). The Taliban’s interpretation of Sharia law is often cited as the primary basis for their gender policies, with Taliban officials claiming that they are protecting women according to the precepts of Islam. However, scholars of Islamic law argue that these interpretations are selectively applied to consolidate control, rather than reflecting the diverse and more inclusive interpretations found across the Muslim world (Bauer, 2015).

Critics of this stance argue that such justifications represent a misuse of cultural and religious frameworks to perpetuate patriarchal control and that these policies violate the fundamental human rights of women and girls. Feminist theories of gender oppression, particularly those grounded in postcolonial feminism, challenge the notion that women’s rights can be compromised under the guise of cultural or religious relativism. For instance, Mohanty (1988) critiques the Western tendency to view non-Western women as inherently oppressed, but she also emphasizes that this does not mean accepting human rights abuses under the guise of cultural sensitivity. Afghan women, both inside the country and in the diaspora, have expressed that their right to education, employment, and participation in public life are not in opposition to their cultural or religious identity. In fact, Afghan women’s advocacy groups argue that these rights are essential for their dignity and agency, and they should not be sacrificed for the sake of political control by the Taliban (Naseem, 2023).

The international human rights community has long upheld the principle of universality when it comes to human rights, asserting that certain rights, including those related to gender equality, are non-negotiable and must be upheld regardless of cultural or religious justifications. The United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), ratified by Afghanistan, underscores the indivisibility of rights for all human beings, regardless of gender, culture, or religion (United Nations, 1948). The imposition of strict gender roles and the exclusion of women from public life under the Taliban is therefore viewed as incompatible with Afghanistan’s international obligations. A case in point is the Taliban’s ban on girls’ education beyond primary school, a policy that has been condemned globally, including by other Islamic scholars, as a violation of both human rights and Islamic teachings that advocate for education for all (Abu-Lughod, 2013).

Challenges to International Interventions

While the argument for universal human rights is compelling, international interventions aimed at promoting gender equality in Afghanistan have faced significant challenges, particularly around accusations of Western imperialism. The imposition of Western standards, often perceived as being in conflict with local traditions, has historically been met with resistance. During the U.S. occupation of Afghanistan, efforts to promote gender equality were sometimes seen as part of a broader neocolonial project that did not fully consider the complexities of Afghan society. This has led to criticisms that international interventions may not always achieve their intended outcomes and can, in some cases, exacerbate tensions or legitimize the Taliban’s claims of defending Afghan culture against foreign imposition (Khalid, 2021).

Theoretical frameworks like postcolonial feminism and human rights theory emphasize that promoting gender equality must be done in ways that are sensitive to local contexts, without replicating imperialist power dynamics. Scholars such as Abu-Lughod (2013) argue for a more nuanced approach that listens to the voices of local women and supports their agency rather than imposing external frameworks. For instance, the failure of some Western interventions lies in their top-down nature, where international actors dictate the terms of women’s liberation without fully engaging with Afghan women’s own visions for their rights and roles in society. Afghan women’s resistance movements, particularly those in exile, have consistently highlighted the importance of culturally sensitive approaches that do not alienate local populations but instead work from within the cultural framework to advocate for gender equality (Naseem, 2023).

Likewise, international actors must acknowledge that interventions promoting human rights can be co-opted for geopolitical purposes. The politicization of women’s rights during the U.S. occupation of Afghanistan, where the narrative of “saving Afghan women” was often used to justify military intervention, has left a complex legacy. The withdrawal of NATO forces in 2021 and the subsequent collapse of the Afghan government exposed the fragility of rights-based interventions that lacked long-term sustainability and genuine local engagement (Gopal, 2021). This raises critical questions about the role of international actors in supporting Afghan women moving forward. Rather than relying on top-down interventions, there is growing recognition of the need to empower local grassroots organizations and allow Afghan women themselves to lead the fight for their rights.

However, some argue that cultural relativism is a necessary consideration in any human rights discourse, particularly in deeply conservative societies like Afghanistan. Proponents of this view suggest that rapid changes imposed from outside can be destabilizing and may lead to backlash, as seen in the Taliban’s rise to power partly fueled by opposition to Western-imposed norms. This perspective emphasizes the importance of gradual, context-sensitive approaches that respect local traditions while working toward gender equality (Bøås & Hatløy, 2023). Furthermore, there are valid concerns about how universal human rights frameworks can sometimes overlook the specificities of local contexts, particularly in societies where gender roles are deeply intertwined with religious and cultural identities.

Similarly, while the Taliban’s justifications for their restrictions on women’s rights invoke cultural and religious narratives, these claims must be critically examined in light of universal human rights principles. The balance between cultural sensitivity and the promotion of gender equality remains a complex challenge for international actors. Moving forward, more sustainable and effective approaches will need to prioritize Afghan women’s own voices and agency, while also holding the Taliban accountable to international human rights standards.

V. Conclusion

In conclusion, the Taliban’s governance since their return to power in Afghanistan in 2021 has resulted in a dramatic regression of women’s rights and gender equality. The imposition of educational bans, employment restrictions, and the exclusion of women from public life signify a systematic dismantling of the progress Afghan women had achieved over the last two decades. The prohibition on girls’ education beyond primary school not only stifles intellectual and professional growth but also undercuts future socio-economic mobility for generations of Afghan women. Employment restrictions similarly exacerbate economic hardship, contributing to increased poverty while stripping women of their financial independence and the ability to contribute to national development. Further, the exclusion of women from public and political participation has entrenched a state-sanctioned form of gender apartheid, perpetuating an oppressive patriarchal regime.

The policy implications of these findings are profound. It is imperative that international organizations and human rights bodies take decisive actions to support Afghan women and challenge the Taliban’s gender policies. This support could manifest through diplomatic pressure, targeted sanctions, and sustained global advocacy campaigns that center on the voices and needs of Afghan women. Equally important is the strategic mobilization of Islamic scholars worldwide to counter the Taliban’s rigid and erroneous interpretations of Sharia, thereby undermining their ideological justification for these human rights violations. Additionally, humanitarian aid must be coordinated to address the immediate needs of Afghan women, especially those involved in underground education and advocacy efforts, while maintaining pressure for long-term change.

About the authors:

• Abdul Wasi Popalzay, PhD Research Scholar, in the Department of South and Central Asian Studies, at the Central University of Punjab, Punjab, India.
• Sofia Aslam, PhD Research Scholar, in the Department of Economics, University of Jammu, Jammu, India.
• Sakshi Sharma, PhD Research Scholar, in the Department of Political Science, University of Jammu. Jammu, India.

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