Europe: A Bulwark Against Authoritarianism – OpEd

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Celebrating May 9 as Europe Day is, above all, a reminder of the glorious legacy of European integration, which brought peace and reconciliation to European countries after the two collective suicides of the first half of the 20th century. However, eighty years after the end of World War II, the extreme importance of May 9 this year should be emphasized, as it coincides with celebrations in Moscow marking the surrender of the Third Reich, known as “Victory Day” in Russia.

These are two opposing visions of the world. Europe’s vision, as set out in Robert Schuman’s Declaration seventy-five years ago, is one of peace, openness, and freedom. However, due to its success and attraction in Eastern Europe, Putin wants to destroy it. Today, the European project is under threat in Ukraine; tomorrow, it will be under threat along its entire eastern border.

The threat is even broader. For years, the political and legal principles of liberal democracy that the European Union is founded on have been under attack. Internally, neo-nationalist movements that oppose political liberalism are challenging European values and adopting Putin or Trump as role models. Internationally, the EU is the only major power—at least economically—that isn’t dominated by authoritarian political power or oligarchic rule. Just over a hundred days after Trump returned to the White House, it has become clear that the new U.S. administration is also engaged in an ideological and cultural war against the “values” and principles of political liberalism and the social market economy on which the EU was founded. The Munich Security Conference held last February revealed this fracture within the West itself.

A key feature of today’s international relations is the informal alliance of authoritarian and illiberal oligarchies centered on American, Chinese, and Russian spheres of influence. This unnatural “alliance” threatens the values that the EU embodies: a political and legal community committed to a constitutional order that protects freedoms and the rule of law, based on the separation and balance of powers. Eliminating this model would pave the way for arbitrary power, call equality between citizens into question, and enable the misuse of political power for the financial enrichment of a select few.

These historical, political, and geopolitical battles unite the states and citizens of the EU. Europe’s founding value lies in this: the Union first established peace and democracy before seeking strength. In other words, Europe’s founding value is the need to remain united geopolitically and to guard against the resurgence of authoritarian, dictatorial, or totalitarian tendencies. Europeans identify as European citizens because they recognize that their histories (past and future) are inextricably linked and that they share a common destiny.

The emergence of a new modus operandi in international politics threatens political and democratic principles, necessitating their defense. The present moment is characterized by a transition from an opposition between liberal democracies and authoritarian regimes to a new international order dominated by two divisions: political, between oligarchies and non-oligarchies; and economic, between liberal market economies and illiberal capitalism.

In order to resist, the Europeans must maintain cohesion and unity around the political principles on which the EU is founded. They must also demonstrate their status as a formidable geopolitical force with numerous allies and the ability to support those who wish to emulate them. The EU will be able to protect its sovereignty and strengthen its collective identity if it becomes a rallying point for liberal democracies and open economies, continues to strongly support Ukraine even in the face of adversity, and if its member states equip themselves effectively and in solidarity to protect against a potential invader.

At the start of World War II and in its aftermath, Jean Monnet believed that military unity was a prerequisite for independence. Moreover, military unity made economic unity necessary. However, after France refused to accept the Franco-British Union in 1940 and the European Defense Community in 1954, this approach was reversed, beginning with economic union. Today, the EU has the opportunity to fulfill Monnet’s vision by establishing a military and geopolitical union after achieving economic unity.

However, the EU is currently fragmented. Due to the demographic, economic, and military influence of this “alliance” of authoritarian and illiberal oligarchies, the EU and its member states are in a vulnerable position. Europe is even more exposed because its political fragmentation prevents it from reaching agreements and making decisions. The key question, then, is how to organize such a fragmented political system.

Experience from recent crises suggests two approaches. The first approach involves the heads of European institutions presenting a united front and agreeing on a few priorities to which they will devote their political capital. At the Union level, this approach helped EU members emerge from the sovereign debt crisis. The second approach is to appoint an individual to lead negotiations based on a mandate from the political authorities. This person would report regularly to the authorities and draw on public administration across the board. At the European level, this approach was adopted in the context of Brexit, helping ensure European unity and cohesion during negotiations with the United Kingdom. A similar approach could be adopted to defend European positions and engage in negotiations with Trump, Putin, or Xi. This approach would address the inherent weaknesses of a fragmented political system while embodying European values and interests in global geopolitical and economic competition.

Despite their fragmentation and polyarchy, the EU and its member states must accept that Europeans are stronger together. In both the military and economic spheres, mere cooperation is insufficient; union is required. To achieve this, they must organize and prepare for battle. Otherwise, they will continue to face economic, security, and ideological attacks from hostile states that impede Europe’s autonomy amid the rise of harsh power dynamics and neo-imperial aspirations.

On May 9, while Putin is staging a nationalist and imperialist display of power, it is crucial for Europeans to demonstrate the strength of democratic and liberal values, as well as their solidarity with Ukraine and their shared identity. The contrast between the two “May 9s”, which embody different value systems, political regimes, societies, and approaches to international relations and force, is at stake.

Richard Rousseau

Richard Rousseau, Ph.D., is an international relations expert. He was formerly a professor and head of political science departments at universities in Canada, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and the United Arab Emirates. His research interests include the former Soviet Union, international security, international political economy, and globalization. Dr. Rousseau's approximately 800 books, book chapters, academic journal and scholarly articles, conference papers, and newspaper analyses on a variety of international affairs issues have been published in numerous publications, including The Jamestown Foundation (Washington, D.C.), Global Brief, World Affairs in the 21st Century (Canada), Foreign Policy In Focus (Washington, D.C.), Open Democracy (UK), Harvard International Review, Diplomatic Courier (Washington, C.D.), Foreign Policy Journal (U.S.), Europe's World (Brussels), Political Reflection Magazine (London), Center for Security Studies (CSS, Zurich), Eurasia Review, Global Asia (South Korea), The Washington Review of Turkish and Eurasian Affairs, Journal of Turkish Weekly (Ankara), The Georgian Times (Tbilisi), among others.

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