Cuba And Venezuela: An Alliance Founded On Socialism And Anti-Imperialism – Analysis

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At the beginning of December, the Venezuelan Ministry of National Commerce announced that it had held important discussions with Cuban representatives (officials from the Chamber of Commerce and the Ministry of Food Industry and Foreign Trade) aimed at strengthening bilateral economic cooperation.

The Venezuelans emphasized “supporting the Cuban people through a program for selling food at fair prices and quality, ensuring market access.” They also stated that Venezuela and Cuba are “united brothers in solidarity!” They could have easily added: “in difficult times,” as the usual hardships for Cuba and Venezuela in recent years have become even more extreme. Despite the challenges, the Cuban-Venezuelan alliance forged in the late 20th and early 21st centuries remains steadfast.

The Beginnings of a Strategic Partnership

The strategic alliance between Cuba and Venezuela began with the rise of the colorful Hugo Chávez to power in Venezuela in 1999. Inspired by the romantic Cuban Revolution and Fidel Castro as its undisputed leader, Chávez initiated close cooperation with the communist island. The foundational ties were their shared socialist ideology and anti-imperialism (read: anti-Americanism). Chávez developed a personal alliance with Castro based on two principles: 1) anti-globalist ideas resisting American imperialism; 2) socialist ideals from Marx and Engels. Chávez referred to Castro as his mentor and declared Cuba’s communist dictatorship to be a revolutionary democracy. 

The cooperation soon became very significant for both countries, both politically and economically. Venezuela provided Cuba with a steady supply of oil under favorable conditions, allowing the island to compensate for shortages following the collapse of the Soviet Union. On the other hand, Cuba offered Venezuela significant support by sending experts, including doctors, teachers, and technicians, who helped implement social and other public programs. Projects such as “Barrio Adentro” (launched in 2003) provided healthcare to the poor. These joint projects became symbols of cooperation.

Intense Cooperation

The period between 2006 and 2013 was one of intense collaboration between the two countries. During the golden age of Venezuelan-Cuban relations, Chávez fully consolidated his power in Venezuela, while Raúl Castro, who had replaced his brother, continued to lead Cuba through challenging times. Venezuela became Cuba’s key energy partner, delivering up to 100,000 barrels of oil daily, which ensured Cuba’s energy stability and economic recovery after the “Special Period” of the 1990s. Thanks to Cuban doctors and other experts, poverty was significantly reduced, and healthcare improved in Venezuela. Cuban intelligence, G2, gained increasing influence over the Venezuelan government, as Chávez relied more heavily on Cuban intelligence officers following the failed opposition coup in 2002.

On the international stage, Chávez and Castro promoted Latin American regional integration through multilateral organizations such as ALBA (the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America, founded in 2004), UNASUR (the Union of South American Nations, established in 2004), and CELAC (the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, founded in 2010). The goal was to create alternative multilateral organizations to those under U.S. patronage (e.g., the Organization of American States, OAS, and NAFTA). Other leftist governments in the region, such as Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Ecuador, participated in international projects promoting 21st-century socialism.

Chávez praised Cuba as a model of resilience and social justice, while the Castro brothers saw Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution as a continuation of Cuba’s struggle against imperialism. The political and economic synergy between the two countries had a significant impact. Chávez became a leader of the socialist bloc in Latin America and a global political star for his verbal clashes with America and partnerships with Russia and China. However, Chávez’s influence waned due to his illness, which emerged in 2011, and Venezuela simultaneously entered deep economic troubles due to inflation and shortages of essential goods.

The Alliance After Chávez

Although he was treated in Cuba and received top medical care, Chávez died of cancer in early 2013. This unexpected event put Cuban-Venezuelan relations into question. The alliance was salvaged when Nicolás Maduro, whom Chávez had personally chosen as his successor, came to power in the spring of 2013. While Maduro continued domestic and foreign policies along the same lines as Chávez, he lacked his predecessor’s charismatic strength, vision, and regional influence.

To make matters worse, Venezuela’s economy entered a catastrophic crisis due to the global drop in oil prices in 2014, severely limiting its ability to fund social programs and provide economic aid to Cuba. The reduction in Venezuelan oil shipments and financial support dealt a significant blow to Cuba, making the island increasingly vulnerable to its own economic weaknesses and U.S. sanctions. At the same time, Havana maintained political support for Maduro’s regime, often defending him on the international stage from accusations of human rights violations due to the brutal suppression of street protests.

On the international level, political changes in the region, namely the emergence of right-wing (conservative) governments in countries such as Brazil, Argentina, and Colombia in the mid to late 2010s, further weakened support for the leftist bloc led by Cuba and Venezuela. ALBA, as a key platform for cooperation, lost its significance due to Venezuela’s reduced financial capacity. Cuba began seeking alternative economic partners, particularly in China and Russia, to compensate for losses from Venezuela, while Caracas pursued similar strategies with Turkey, Iran, and India. Maduro attempted to preserve the alliance by offering Cuba limited amounts of subsidized oil. Despite the crisis, the ties between the two countries remained strong due to their ideological foundation and longstanding partnership.

Cuban Support Keeps Maduro Afloat

This became evident during Venezuela’s controversial 2018 presidential elections, which were not recognized by the United States, the EU, Canada, and numerous other countries. Cuba, however, did recognize them. When opposition leader Juan Guaidó, president of Venezuela’s National Assembly, declared himself president in January 2019, he was recognized by several Western nations but not by Cuba, Russia, China, Turkey, and other Venezuelan allies. Interestingly, in 2019, the opposition-controlled National Assembly voted to cut oil supplies to Cuba.

In this uncertain situation, with Venezuela on the brink of a coup or civil war, it became widely accepted that Maduro trusted Cuban intelligence agents more than his own people. The Cubans helped modernize Venezuela’s military and security forces, even supplying Russian weapons. Maduro’s socialist regime largely survived a decade of protests and street unrest, which continue to this day, thanks to Cuban assistance.

The Controversial 2024 Elections

On July 28 last year, Maduro once again triumphed in presidential elections that most of the international community deemed fraudulent. Cuba, however, stood by its ally in Miraflores Palace. Venezuelan Foreign Minister Yván Gil issued a statement saying, “Interference in Venezuela does not go unnoticed; it’s the same scenario as always, written by the same actors of American imperialism and its accomplices, who have caused so much harm in the world. We thank Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez for defending our sovereignty.”

The day after the election, nine Latin American countries (Argentina, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay) called for an emergency OAS meeting on July 31. However, member states could not reach a consensus on a resolution. The leftist presidents of Brazil (Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva), Colombia (Gustavo Petro), and Mexico (Andrés Manuel López Obrador) issued a joint statement calling for a full recount and complete transparency in the election process. The United States voiced doubts about the election’s legitimacy, with Secretary of State Anthony Blinken citing “compelling evidence” that pro-democracy opposition candidate Edmundo Gonzalez had won.

Despite this, the U.S., Canada, and the EU stopped short of declaring Gonzalez the victor, though Peru did. As a result of the controversial election, Peru and Panama cut diplomatic ties with Venezuela, and many other countries withdrew their ambassadors or had them expelled by the Venezuelan government. This solidified Havana’s role as Venezuela’s key partner.

Reduced Venezuelan Oil Supplies

Accurate data on recent trade volumes between Cuba and Venezuela is unavailable, but trade in various sectors has undoubtedly declined due to poor conditions in both countries (U.S. sanctions and internal structural issues). Last year, Venezuela’s state oil company PDVSA began using third-party tankers to supply oil to Cuba because its own fleet had deteriorated. Much of the tanker fleet owned by Venezuela and Cuba is under U.S. sanctions, limiting their operations. As a result, both countries rely on ships from other nations, such as Mexico and Panama.

These “shadow fleets” often lack insurance and transmit false signals to hide their movements from radar. Since June of last year, PDVSA has been shipping crude and refined oil to Cuba, where part of the cargo is unloaded while the rest continues to Asia. Venezuelan oil shipments to Cuba last year amounted to 27,000 barrels per day, compared to 51,500 barrels per day in 2023 and 80,000 barrels per day in 2020. This represents a significant decrease, even though Cuba desperately needs oil for its oil-powered power plants, especially during the hot summer months. Last year, power outages became common in Cuba due to outdated power plants, damage to the country’s largest oil terminal in Matanzas from a fire, and reduced oil deliveries from Venezuela.

The Alliance’s Purpose

Undoubtedly, the two nations will continue to be strategic partners as long as leftist governments remain in power. Socialist, de facto one-party political systems and opposition to the U.S. are key factors that bind Cuban communists and Venezuelan socialists. Both are better off together than with a pro-American, right-wing government in either country. Alongside Nicaragua, Bolivia, and other leftist governments (e.g., Brazil and Mexico currently), Cuba and Venezuela form part of Latin America’s so-called “pink tide,” which resists U.S. dominance in the region.

Organizations like ALBA, UNASUR, and CELAC cooperate with BRICS in various formats, providing leftist governments in Latin America with economic and sovereignty support to avoid becoming U.S. satellite states. If the right were to come to power in Cuba or Venezuela, it would likely significantly reduce preferential bilateral cooperation. Right-wing governments would open their economies to the U.S., offering far greater potential than partnerships with Caracas or Havana. However, this will never happen fully as long as the left is in power for two reasons: 1) Distrust: The possibility of a CIA-backed democratic coup; 2) Voter Appeal: Leftist leaders would struggle to justify aligning with the U.S. instead of socialist allies to their voter base.

The Future of the Alliance

Cuban and Venezuelan dictatorships have shown impressive political survival skills, but both will need to improve their economies to remain functional states. Cuba’s biggest problems in 2024 included power shortages, rising crime, reduced trade, and natural disasters like hurricanes. Meanwhile, Venezuela faced recession, inflation, and low oil production. Both countries are grappling with U.S. sanctions and last year’s intensified migration crisis. Street protests, once unthinkable in Cuba, are becoming more common, and labor shortages present significant challenges. Despite these issues, Cuban and Venezuelan comrades will continue collaborating to preserve their political systems and national sovereignty, even if it means further impoverishing their already struggling populations.

Matija Šerić

Matija Šerić is a geopolitical analyst and journalist from Croatia and writes on foreign policy, history, economy, society, etc.

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