Pakistan’s Terror Operations Exploit Tamil Nadu Faultlines? – OpEd
By A. Jathindra
Viewed through the security lens, every report carries weight—because in the international power struggle, intentions are rarely transparent. Startling revelations from a Tamil Nadu–based media outlet point to a clandestine meeting in Chennai centred on interest-free banking. Among those present, the outlet reported, was a newly appointed cabinet minister from a key coalition party in Tamil Nadu. Adding to the intrigue, two Sri Lankan Muslim politicians—long-time rivals—were also seated at the table.
According to the report, the meeting was organised by a “third man,” a senior executive of a Saudi-backed international Islamic federation. This figure, reportedly under intense global surveillance for alleged links to Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), is said to have brokered a truce between the two political rivals on Indian soil.
The outlet identified one of the participants as Dr. M.L.A.M. Hizbullah, a Sri Lankan Muslim politician and high-ranking member of the Muslim World League, headquartered in Saudi Arabia.
Who is Hizbullah in Sri Lanka?
Hizbullah is a controversial politician, businessman, and former minister and governor of Sri Lanka’s Eastern Province. He hails from Kattankudy, a Muslim-majority town in Batticaloa district often described as the centre of Wahhabism in Sri Lanka. It was here that Zahran Hashim, mastermind of the Easter Sunday bombings, rose to prominence. After the attacks, some Buddhist leaders and parliamentarians alleged that Hizbullah’s ties to Riyadh contributed to jihadist activity in Kattankudy, though he denied the claims. His long involvement in Arabization projects, however, is well documented.
Through the Hira Foundation—run by him and his son Hiras—Hizbullah spearheaded projects including the controversial Batticaloa Campus, widely referred to as a “Sharia university,” funded by Saudi donors. Official financial statements showed income of just $31,000 between 2014 and 2018, yet Hizbullah told parliament the foundation had received $2 million from foreign donors. Later, he claimed most funds came from the Juffali family, a prominent Saudi merchant dynasty. Bank records, however, revealed that the Sheikh Ali Abdullah Al Juffali Foundation Charity wired approximately $24.5 million to the Batticaloa Campus between 2016 and 2017.
This evidence underscores the deepening links between Sri Lankan Muslim politicians and Saudi foundations. Hizbullah’s political activity waned in the aftermath of the Easter Sunday attacks, but he later returned to the fray—reconciling with the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress and ultimately securing a parliamentary seat in 2024.
The Easter Bombings and Their Aftermath
The Easter bombings shattered complacency. Few believed jihadist networks had infiltrated Sri Lankan Muslim communities until the attacks occurred. This failure to act—despite prior warnings from India—explains why authorities did not take the threat seriously. In this context, Sri Lankan authorities cannot afford to dismiss reports of Islamic agendas, even when published by less mainstream outlets.
The issue is not merely Hizbullah’s presence at a secret Chennai summit. As the Tamil Nadu media emphasised, the submission for interest-free banking and the clandestine meeting are not isolated incidents but part of a dangerous continuum. The outlet described: “Seated side-by-side, sharing a meal and smiles, were two high-profile individuals from a neighbouring country. Back home, these men are bitter, hereditary political rivals.”
Rabita Trust and Global Terror Links
Can the defence community afford to take such news lightly? As reported: “The Saudi-linked executive present at the meeting, Dr. M.L.A.M. Hizbullah, is a high-ranking member of the Muslim World League. From this entity emerged the Rabita Trust.” United Nations databases confirm that the Rabita Trust, a Pakistan-based NGO, has provided logistical and financial support to Al-Qaida (QDe.004). It has also maintained close ties to Al-Qaida leaders and other listed individuals and entities, including Ayman al-Zawahiri, Sobhi Abdel Aziz Mohamed el Gohary Abu Sinna (deceased), Makhtab al-Khidamat, and the Armed Islamic Group.
Pakistan’s aggressive efforts to weaken India domestically and globally are well-documented. Against this backdrop, transnational terrorism must be understood in two dimensions: “hard” terror operations—violent attacks—and “soft” operations, which infiltrate societies through covert networks and false narratives. South India has long been vulnerable to such infiltration.
South India as a Soft Target
The pattern is clear. In Seb,2014, Sri Lankan Tamil national Arun Selvarajan was arrested in Chennai by India’s National Investigation Agency (NIA) on charges of spying for Pakistan’s ISI. He was the third Sri Lankan to be detained for ISI links within a year. Just months earlier, Mohammed Sakir Hussain had been arrested in Chennai in April 2013, followed by Mohammed Hussain Suleman Hussain in Malaysia a month later. Investigators revealed their plot involved recruiting Maldivian nationals to carry out attacks on U.S. and Israeli consulates in Chennai and Bangalore.
According to the NIA, Selvarajan was part of a spy ring recruited by a Pakistani diplomat in Sri Lanka. ISI’s focus on South India has been underscored by multiple arrests and plots. Linguistic and cultural proximity, Tamil Nadu’s history of anti-state sentiment, and the ideological survival of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)—despite their military defeat in Sri Lanka—have created fertile ground for infiltration and provided space for banned groups. For these reasons, South India remains a soft target for ISI operations.
