How To Lead The Coalition Government In Tamil Nadu? – OpEd

In the history of Tamil Nadu politics, May 10, 2026, marks a significant milestone. For the first time since 1967, neither of the two dominant Dravidian parties—the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (ADMK)—was able to form a government. Over the years, several prominent Congress leaders, including K. Kamaraj and Rajiv Gandhi, attempted to unseat the Dravidian parties, but their efforts ultimately failed. This led to the widespread belief that only one of the Dravidian parties could govern Tamil Nadu at any given time. Therefore, actor Vijay’s TVK party’s success in the inaugural elections will undoubtedly be a moment of great celebration. Additionally, for the past 59 years, both the DMK and ADMK have successfully maintained a political landscape that has excluded the idea of power-sharing in governance. As a result, other political parties in the state have struggled to gain significant ground.

However, there was a significant desire among members of various political parties to be included in the state government. Even before the internal seat-sharing discussions within the DMK alliance for the 2026 assembly elections, the Congress party and others expressed their desire to be part of the government. However, the DMK leadership successfully suppressed these demands.

Nature has compelled politics in Tamil Nadu to enter a new era of coalition governance through Vijay’s TVK, something that has not been feasible for the past six decades. To strengthen relationships among coalition partners and ensure effective power-sharing and mutual understanding, several well-considered suggestions are presented below. 

(a) It is crucial to appoint conveners at the state, revenue district, and block levels to enhance the coalition system and resolve grievances among alliance partners. Currently, no political leaders in Tamil Nadu have experience leading a power-sharing coalition. This situation arises because the two major Dravidian parties have held power for the past six decades without sharing it with their alliance partners. Once elections are over, these alliance partners are excluded from governance. Few political parties play a constructive role in the opposition, and some, including the Congress Party, do not. As a result, political parties are losing ground to others that advocate for people’s rights. 

The State Convenor has a crucial responsibility to hold regular monthly meetings with the political parties in government and other parties supporting from outside. Important discussions, including policy-level issues, differing opinions, and Central-State relations, must be addressed at the state level. Similarly, district and block conveners are responsible for managing issues and differences among alliance partners within their areas.

The State Convenor must be a senior and acceptable leader from the ruling party or an alliance partner. He should have the skills to negotiate, resolve conflicts among partners, and secure support. The focus should not be on who holds more power, but rather on how to effectively demonstrate and implement the mandate given by the voters for a change for the betterment of the people. This collaboration is vital for earning the trust of the people in the government.

(b) Sharing as historical for a non-Dravida Party to come to power after 59 years, also known as power sharing in governance, should be distributed fairly among the partners in the government. This will strengthen the government and increase trust within the coalition. However, those supported from outside, such as the Left parties, should also be approached to convince them to join the government, which will give them confidence to run the coalition successfully for 5 years. Therefore, hereafter, the pre-poll alliance will take greater importance, as in Kerala. All of these will depend on how the alliance parties are treated and on the power being shared as deeply as possible and, wherever possible, accommodated. Additionally, there is a need for consultations on how positions of power, such as board chairmanships, cooperative societies, advocate general roles, and membership in other government associations, will be allocated among the coalition parties. Mutual trust and responsibility will play a crucial role in negotiating the allocation of these power positions among the partners. 

(c) Formulating a Common Minimum Programme (CMP) is necessary. It should accommodate the TVK’s main goals and vision. However, before the CMP is drafted, the VCK, IUML, and the Left Parties should be consulted and their priorities discussed. Likewise, the Congress Party. 

(d) The TVK and the Congress fought the elections separately. The post-election coalition was unexpected. The Congress Party contested the 2026 elections as part of the DMK alliance and is now included in the TVK government, which may not be fully understood by some TVK cadres. As a result, it is natural for there to be some rifts between the Congress and the TVK cadres who lost their elections. It is important for the leadership to address this by educating the cadres. Also, the importance of this TVK-Congress alliance should be explained. This will help both the TVK and the Congress’s IT wings, as well as the coalition parties, effectively counter the opposition parties’ offensive social media messages. 

(e) Regular meetings between the Chief Minister and the TVK MLAs are crucial. It is important to analyse the BJP’s strategies across India, especially their tactics to fragment opposition parties. The experiences of the Congress Party in Madhya Pradesh, Shiv Sena in Maharashtra and the TMC in West Bengal provide valuable insights into these political manoeuvres.

(f) Even the first governor’s speech proudly acknowledged the first power sharing in 75 years in Tamil Nadu. It is worth celebrating. However, to strengthen the alliance and the coalition dharma, it would be good to inform the coalition parties’ district presidents/secretaries and MLAs when the ministers visit their respective districts. So that the importance of this coalition, coined by CM Vijay, will be understood by the cadres of all the parties that hold power in this system. Recently, it was wonderful to see that when the tourism minister visited a few spots near Chennai, it was a cheerful moment, and even TVK flags were erected in the area to welcome the minister. This intimacy should be expanded to the other stakeholders as well. If a few Congress Flags, IMUL, VCK and Left parties’ flags are also to be erected by the concerned parties when the TVK and coalition parties’ ministers visit the districts. This will further strengthen the coalition to face the upcoming local body elections boldly. 

(g) Power sharing is a ‘New Social Justice’ in Tamil Nadu, as it aims to create a new beginning in governance by including everyone in the government. It would be worth proving again to the Dravidian parties that sharing power in governance should extend to local body elections, without any rifts among the coalition parties. Each and every mayoral position, ward, and chairmanship should be meticulously discussed with the coalition partners in the panchayats, municipalities, and corporations. Getting a 100 per cent victory in the local body is not a choice but a necessary vision to carry this government forward and prepare for the next parliamentary elections. 

(h) Organising an MLA meeting of the coalition partners is highly helpful in facing the assembly sessions together with courage and determination against the experienced and frustrated DMK and ADMK. 

(i) All the ministers, including those from the TVK, should greet the coalition party members warmly when they visit the chambers and their proposals. This hospitality will send a high regard for Chief Minister Vijay’s government and approach in every area of governance. This method will highlight the contrast to the discomfort that many experienced during visits with DMK ministers in the last assembly term.

(j) It would also be better to give some government positions to the TVK candidates who lost the elections, rather than to the elected MLAs, including the coalition partners. 

(k)  It is essential for all the parties in the coalition government to brief the media, if necessary, on the formation of a secular government. What the DMK and ADMK previously restricted from other parties in the government is now possible under the leadership of the TVK. This advantage should also be extended to our ordinary cadres. Additionally, the friendly relations among the leaders of the coalition parties are crucial. However, it is equally important that this camaraderie extends to the grassroots level. This means that the cadres of all coalition partners should collaborate to secure victory in the upcoming elections. It is the responsibility of the political party leadership to educate their cadres on maintaining smooth relationships among coalition parties at the grassroots level. 

(l) The benefits of the coalition government’s policies should be demonstrated through public meetings with the coalition partners, organised by district, and through street meetings. 

(m) This is the era of the digital world. Every political party has its own consultants for managing the media successfully. Therefore, coordinating the IT Wings and social media to defend the coalition government’s policies and respond effectively to the opposition will further strengthen the coalition.

(n) The recent post-election victory of the TVK in Tamil Nadu is beginning to realign the state’s political discourse. Many devoted supporters, including party leaders, MLAs, and cadres, are shifting their allegiance to the TVK. TVK leadership must ensure that no disgraced MLAs, whether resigning from the opposition or former MLAs joining the TVK, are accommodated. If this occurs, it will gradually tarnish the image of the TVK leadership.

(o) The name of the coalition government should be announced at the earliest. Instead of calling it the TVK – led alliance, the coalition government should have a name based on secular democratic principles that is convenient for the alliance parties, and in which the ruling party is interested in sharing power with its partners, a historical practice.

Last but not least, managing the various parties within a coalition, each with its own ideologies, can be quite challenging. At this juncture, to ensure power distribution effectively addresses both the needs and strengths of the alliance, it is essential to create a framework that accounts for the unique circumstances and requirements of all parties involved. This approach not only empowers the individuals within the alliance but also strengthens the political parties, encouraging cooperation and promoting the interests of the communities they represent. Ultimately, a power structure rooted in this understanding will lead to more effective governance and improved outcomes for all stakeholders. If so, the new era of “power-sharing” governance has a promising future. Also, in the future, political parties will not agree to form a coalition without power-sharing in Tamil Nadu.

About Antony Vigilious Clement

Antony Vigilious Clement is a Senior Editor of Modern Diplomacy. At the moment he is working on two books - The Best Teacher and Diplomacy in Tough Times. His research centres on India's diplomacy & foreign policy, security issues, and international security matters, including India's relations with the U.S., the BRICS nations, the EU and Australia. His recent book is "Discover your talents."

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Antony Vigilious Clement

Antony Vigilious Clement is a Senior Editor of Modern Diplomacy. At the moment he is working on two books - The Best Teacher and Diplomacy in Tough Times. His research centres on India's diplomacy & foreign policy, security issues, and international security matters, including India's relations with the U.S., the BRICS nations, the EU and Australia. His recent book is "Discover your talents."

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