Why Despotism Is Not The Solution For Egypt – OpEd


The assassination of the man in charge of thousands of prosecutions including the controversial death sentences against Muslim Brotherhood followers paved the way for the incumbent Egyptian president for a one-time knockout against dissent and for all.

Speaking at the military funeral of Hisham Barakat, the Prosecution General of Egypt killed in a car bomb on June 29, the President Abdulfattah Al-Sisi threatened to amend the laws to make them responsive to the implementation of justice. “Under such circumstances, courts are useless and so are laws,” said Al-Sisi promising to carry out any death or lifetime sentences against what he called “terrorists”.

“The arm of justice is chained by the law,” Al-Sisi said. “We are going to amend the law to allow us implement justice as fast as possible,” he added emphasizing on going ahead with the death sentences, which raises the issue of the provisional death sentences against the Muslim Brotherhood including the ousted first democratically elected president Mohammad Morsi, who was accused of “the biggest case of espionage in the history of Egypt”.

Consolidating his despotic power faster than any other dictator in the Middle East to impose his decisions over the Egyptian population and territory, Al-Sisi seems to co-opt the judicial system as well as communications means. Succeeding in doing so, Al-Sisi might be able to control the means of persuasion – the law, government loyal clergy and media, and the means of coercion – military, police and security forces.

Due to the fact there hasn’t been an elected parliament in Egypt since 2013, Al-Sisi enjoys the privilege of passing laws in the form of decrees. The assassination of Barakat can be easily, and actually already, politicized accelerating the process of power consolidation even more. Implying that the Muslim Brothers being responsible for the terrorist attack against the Prosecutor, Al-Sisi stressed that legal processes that could take years to enforce should be speeded to face terrorism: “We are facing terrorism. The laws and courts shall respond to it,” he said.

To confirm his control of coercive instruments, on 4 July 2015 Al-Sisi appeared wearing his military uniform talking to police and military forces in the north of Sinai about their important role in fighting terrorism and any plans against Egypt, according to the official Facebook page of the Egyptian Presidency. Al-Sisi said: “Under control is not enough … everything should be stable”. However controlling instruments of persuasion and coercion doesn’t seem to be enough externally as it is internally, therefore, Al-Sisi claims fighting terrorism to defend not only Egypt but also the whole civilized world.

While Egypt seems to be divided now between who kneels to the sole leader and who finds injustice and despotism, thus refuses to kneel, the voices of a different rhetoric are not much heard. Actually, the speed of events and the volume of the regime’s crackdown – not only against the Muslim Brotherhood and their supporters but also against any different voices from the regime – a very little or no space was left for different narratives and constructive criticism. Intellectuals had failed to present alternative narratives and perspectives on politics to the dominant discourse of the Egyptian regime putting social coexistence on the periphery. The mainstream bulk of clerics is either loyalists or strained from opposing the regime due to mounting fears.

Hassan Nafa’a, professor in political science at Cairo University said that amending the law does not hinder terrorism. It is rather despotism what offers a haven for terrorism to flourish. Dismissing conspiracy theories, Nafa’a said that should the new laws be amended within 24 hours, this implies that the laws were already prepared. Nafa’a’s point can be traced back in Egypt’s history when the Muslim Brotherhood, like in the present time, was dissolved in 1948 following involvement in violence in Palestine then. The Muslim Brotherhood continued to grow despite Nasser’s despotic measures against them. He ordered the arrest of more than 27,000 people in 1965, allegedly all were Muslim brothers, and hundreds were sentenced by a special court, from which more than 20 were tortured to death.

The harsh crackdown continues under Al-Sisi in the name of fighting terrorism, which increases the sense of victimization for a considerable segment of the Egyptian society. While channels to find justice seem absent in Egypt, the feeling of victimization remains as long as their case is still unsettled. “Mass death sentences are fast losing Egypt’s judiciary,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Human Rights Watch director of Middle East and North Africa division. “Instead of weighing the evidence against each person, judges are convicting defendants en masse without regard for fair trial standards.”

While media outlets are busy justifying Al-Sisi’s harsh policies, several out-of-tune journalists were banned, imprisoned or pushed into exile. Despite its political dimensions between Qatar and Egypt, the case of Al-Jazeera Journalist, Mohamed Fahmy, who had to renounce his Egyptian citizenship to be freed last February, is a case in point. According to the Egyptian Newspaper Rassd, only over the past two years, 26 Egyptians, most of them talented contributors, renounced their citizenship for among others Israeli, Saudi Arabian and American ones. This tendency, according to the paper, owes to the lack of freedom, citizenship and feeling of belonging, poverty, oppression and injustice, which forces Egyptians to change hearts.

As a defence minister two years ago, Al- Sisi warned from using violence against citizens and stressed on the fact that the use of violence produces violence. Unfortunately, the teacher is doing exactly what he deemed useless. By Isolating segments of the society, no matter how the elimination process happened and how long it took to crystallize, new resistance forces are forming in the backyards far from the regime’s surveillance.

Alas, a draconian era is still to come on the heads of Egyptians, and is more likely to fire back at those who despotically coordinated to elevate the level of depression, should the same policies continue. Now is different from the times of Nasser and if people once knew that they can remove a military dictator – Mubarak, or an Islamist would-be dictator – Morsi, it wouldn’t be far fetched for them to work towards the same end under Al-Sisi.

Hakim Khatib

Hakim Khatib is a political scientist and analyst works as a lecturer for politics and culture of the Middle East, intercultural communication and journalism at Fulda and Darmstadt Universities of Applied Sciences and Phillips University Marburg. Hakim is a PhD candidate in political science on political instrumentalisation of Islam in the Middle East and its implications on political development at the University of Duisburg-Essen and the editor-in-chief of the Mashreq Politics and Culture Journal (MPC Journal).

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