Gaza Onslaught Gives Ben-Gvir Chance To Incite Religious War – OpEd

If what is currently happening in the West Bank had taken place before Oct. 7, our attention would have been completely fixated on it. The ongoing Israeli genocide in Gaza, however, has devalued the important, if not earth-shattering, events underway in the West Bank, which is now a stage for the most violent Israeli military campaign since the Second Intifada of 2000 to 2005.

At the time of writing, nearly 360 Palestinians had been killed in the West Bank since Oct. 7, with thousands more wounded and thousands of others arrested. This exceeds, by far, the total number of Palestinians killed in 2022, which was designated by the UN as the most violent year since 2005.

But how are we to understand the logic behind the Israeli violence in the West Bank, considering that it is already under Israeli military occupation and the joint security control of the Israeli army and the Palestinian Authority?

Moreover, if the Israelis are honest in their claim that their war in Gaza is not genocide against the Palestinian people but a war on Hamas, why are they also attacking the West Bank with such ferocity, killing people of all political and ideological backgrounds and many civilians, including children? The answer lies in the growing political power of the Jewish settlers.

Historically, there have been two types of Israeli violence routinely meted out against Palestinians: by the Israeli army and by illegal Jewish settlers. Palestinians fully understand that the two phenomena are intrinsically linked. The settlers often attack Palestinians under the protection of the Israeli army and the latter often launches violent raids on Palestinians for the sake of the illegal settlers.

In recent years, however, the relationship between these two violent entities has changed thanks to the rise of the Israeli far right, which is situated mostly within the illegal settlements, and its supporters inside Israel. Therefore, it should not be a surprise that the two far-right ministers in the extremist government of Benjamin Netanyahu, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, are themselves settlers.

As soon as Ben-Gvir claimed the role of national security minister, he began promoting the idea of establishing a national guard. After Oct. 7, he managed, with the direct support of Netanyahu’s government, to establish so-called civilian security teams. Even Israeli officials like Yair Lapid have described Ben-Gvir’s army as a “private militia.” And they are right.

Though Ben-Gvir is insisting that the war on Gaza must continue, his actual aim — aside from the ethnic cleansing of the Strip’s population — is to use this rare opportunity to fulfill all the wishes of Israel’s political extremists at the same time.

Let us remember that Ben-Gvir came to power based on the lofty promises of annexing the West Bank, expanding settlements and seizing control of Palestinian holy sites in East Jerusalem, among other extremist ideas. Al-Aqsa Mosque was a major target for Ben-Gvir and his followers, who believe that only by building a “Third Temple” on the ruins of Islam’s third-holiest shrine will Israel be able to reclaim total control of the Holy Land.

Ben-Gvir’s bizarre political language could have been dismissed as the extremism of a fringe politician. Far from it. Ben-Gvir is now arguably the most powerful politician in Israel due to his ability — using just six seats in the Knesset — to make or break Netanyahu’s coalition.

While Netanyahu is behaving largely out of desperation, Defense Minister Yoav Gallant is fighting to redeem the tattered reputation of Israel’s army. Others, like war Cabinet minister Benny Gantz, are walking a fine political line so as not to be perceived as the ones who broke Israel’s fragile political unity during this most decisive of wars.

None of this applies to Ben-Gvir. This man, who sees himself as a political descendant of the likes of the notorious Meir Kahane, is a fervent advocate of a religious war. And since religious wars can only be the outcome of chaotic social and political circumstances, he is keen to instigate the events that could ultimately lead to this coveted war.

One of the prerequisites is unhinged violence, where people are killed based on the mere suspicion of being terrorists. For example, Ben-Gvir last week told Israeli border police officers during a visit to a base in the West Bank: “You have complete backing from me.” He urged them to shoot at every “terrorist,” even if they do not pose a threat.

Of course, Ben-Gvir perceives all Palestinians in the West Bank as potential terrorists, the same way that Israel’s “moderate” President Isaac Herzog perceives all Gazans as “responsible” for Hamas’ actions. This essentially means that the Israeli army in the West Bank is expected to kill Palestinians with the same impunity as those being killed in Gaza.

Even though security and intelligence officials in Israel have warned Netanyahu against opening another war front in the West Bank, the Israeli army has no other option but to fight that supposed war anyway. Why?

The Israeli army is already seen by a large constituency in Israel as a failure for its inability to prevent or successfully respond to the Oct. 7 attacks, even after more than 100 days of war in Gaza. To redeem its tarnished honor, the army is happy to fight a less challenging “war” against isolated and under-equipped Palestinian fighters in small parts of the West Bank.

Ben-Gvir is, of course, ready to manipulate all these elements in his favor. And he is getting precisely what he wants: expanding the war to the West Bank, ethnically cleansing Palestinians, torturing prisoners, demolishing homes, torching properties and all the rest.

Perhaps Ben-Gvir’s greatest achievement, so far, is his ability to create a perfect amalgamation between the political interests of the settlers, the government and its security apparatus. His aim, however, is not merely stealing yet more Palestinian land or expanding a few settlements. He wants a religious war; one that will ultimately lead to the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, not just from Gaza but from the West Bank as well.

The war in Gaza is a perfect opportunity for these sinister goals to be achieved. For now, this genocidal war continues to create opportunities for the ideology of religious Zionism to acquire new followers and to lay deeper roots within Israel’s political establishment. A sudden end to the war, however, could lead to the marginalization of religious Zionism for years to come.