All Wars End (Part II) – OpEd

What brought Somalia to its current level of fragility and desperation is multi-fold. But certainly, injustice and concentration of power in the hands of a few were the main culprits, which can be  avoided under any new structure on which Somalis must first agree upon. Foreign parties have limited possibilities through helping, but the main driver of building a new Somali structure and a new Somalia must be a Somali burden, no one else’s.

One thing that Somalis in history were good at, in the past, was negotiating peace and maintaining peace among themselves for long periods of time. Whenever there was a civil strife, of the nature one saw in the country these past years, elders would come together and through dialogue and long-term discussions, cultivate a new infrastructure to help perpetuate peace among the people.

When we speak of “elders,” many still imagine the traditional sultans, ugases, malaqs, or boqors of various Somali clans. In the past, these leaders truly held authority. They could make decisions that were respected and enforced by their people. Today, however, many of those who claim such titles lack real influence or community mandate. Their authority often exists in name only and are generally corrupt and are part of the problems of Somalia. It is this corrupt few in politics who ignite instability in the country.

What we are proposing is a meeting among the actual, influential Somali power-holders of today, individuals and groups who command real respect, shape public opinion, and who can meaningfully contribute to resolving the country’s long-standing crises. These are the people whose decisions matter in practice, not merely in title.

These key Somali stakeholders include:

  • Respected national statesmen and political figures with broad credibility and influence beyond clan lines, individuals whose leadership is recognized across different regions and communities.
  • Traditional elders and chiefs with genuine, community-backed authority, particularly those who remain active mediators and have historically resolved intercommunal conflicts.
  • Prominent religious leaders and scholars who play a major role in guiding public opinion, calming tensions, and shaping national discourse.
  • Leaders of major civil society organizations, including peace activists, women’s groups, intellectual networks, and business chambers that play a crucial role in stabilizing communities.
  • Influential members of the Somali diaspora, especially those involved in investment, humanitarian work, or political mediation who hold significant leverage due to their resources and networks.
  • Legitimate national opposition leaders, figures with authentic constituencies and reform agendas, not extremist or clan-motivated actors, but individuals capable of constructive dialogue and national leadership.

Bringing together these real authorities i.e. those who influence communities, opinions, resources, and reconciliation efforts, is essential for a meaningful and lasting progress. Solutions for Somalia will come not from ceremonial titles, but from genuine leaders who hold practical authority and public trust.

We believe that they all wield power and authority over large swathes of Somali territories and populations. The international community, outside corrupt NGOs, which fundamentally failed the Somali people, should assist these leaders come together and sort out the Somali problem the Somali way. By thinking Somali, acting Somali, and handling the Somali issues the good Somali way, which has assured the survival of the Somali people through millennia, even if there was no external help, is definitely better than the clan-mentality of the country’s current politicians. 

Somalia’s current challenges are compounded not only by its internal struggles but also by the influence of external actors whose involvement has, often, intensified divisions rather than eased them. Some of these states, including certain Gulf nations, have emerged from difficult periods in their own histories, during which they benefited from the solidarity and support of others, including Somalis.

Today, however, elements of their engagement undermine stability in Somalia. The use of their newfound economic and political leverage should not be used to shape Somali affairs. It is, indeed, contributing to political fragmentation and social disruption in the country and Somalis are aware of this. Exploiting a nation at a moment of vulnerability is neither constructive nor befitting of countries that share deep historical, cultural, and religious ties with the Somali people. True partnership requires mutual respect, restraint, and a commitment to supporting peace rather than exacerbating existing tensions.

Feelings of grandeur often lead individuals and nations into unnecessary difficulties, particularly when such confidence rests on fragile foundations. This dynamic is visible in the behavior of certain states, both neighboring and more distant, that have chosen to involve themselves in Somali affairs in ways that exacerbate tensions rather than promote stability.

Whether motivated by regional competition, political ambition, or economic interests, these interventions overlook a crucial reality: Somalia is a nation with deep historical roots, strong cultural cohesion, and a remarkable capacity for recovery. Attempts to manipulate or pressure Somalia during its moment of vulnerability may offer short-term advantages to outside actors, but they carry long-term risks, both for the region and for those pursuing such policies.

Somalia has endured profound challenges before, and yet it has always found a path to renewal. It will rise again, strengthened by its people’s resilience and by the lessons learned through adversity. When that day comes, those who chose to undermine rather than support Somalia may find that their actions have weakened their own moral and strategic standing.

True stability in the Horn of Africa will only emerge through mutual respect, responsible engagement, and the recognition that Somalia’s resurgence is not only possible, but inevitable.

  • [to continue]

About Dr. Suleiman Walhad

Dr. Suleiman Walhad writes on the Horn of Africa economies and politics. He can be reached at [email protected].

View all posts by Dr. Suleiman Walhad →

Get the Eurasia Review newsletter

Selected analysis, news, and opinion delivered by email.

Like what you read?

Please consider supporting Eurasia Review. Thank you for your consideration!

Dr. Suleiman Walhad

Dr. Suleiman Walhad writes on the Horn of Africa economies and politics. He can be reached at [email protected].

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *