Feudalism In Malaysia Today – Analysis

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The real elephant in the room is the elite

Commentary and literature on Malaysia will tell you that the country’s problems are related to race. There was May 13, 1969, which is portrayed as a watershed in Malaysia’s history and the catalyst of the affirmative action policies towards Bumiputeras. 

Then, Article 153 of Malaysia’s Constitution grants the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (King of Malaysia) responsibility for ‘safeguard[ing] the special position of the Malays and natives of any of the states of Sabah and Sarawak. This partly enhanced the ‘Ketuanan Melayu’ or Malay supremacy narratives advocated by some groups, where politicians from the Malay quarter of politics have demonized other races for the ‘so called ills’ of ‘Malay backwardness’.  

However, these narratives don’t match up with the realities. Malaysian society still has many of the traits of the old feudalism. Malaysia’s title system reinforces a feudal hierarchy. Agencies and ministries have special VVIP service rooms, such as are found in immigration offices. VVIP car parks and number plates espouse to the public that there is a multi-tiered citizenry hierarchy.

Race has been long used as a placard to divide society. The Malays have been continually described as needing support to rise above their handicaps. Thus, special privileges ranging from quotas in education and the civil service, to institutionalized discounts on property are espoused as necessary to help the Malays. 

Over the years, these policies have created a sense of entitlement within Malays, where many expect the government to provide for them. The ‘myth of the lazy Malay’ conjured up by Mahathir Mohamed in his book ‘The Malay Dilemma’, to some extent became a self-fulfilling prophecy by the introduction of the New Economic Policy (NEP). 

By ‘feeding the Malays cake’, the real divisions of society could be hidden for many years. Many Malays were very grateful for what they were given, and UMNO told them to show their gratitude by voting for them each election. This kept UMNO in power for more than 50 years. This also allowed a class of elites to accumulate great wealth, far beyond the imagination of the ordinary person. 

This wealth accumulated by a class of elite was well hidden from the public, especially before the advent of the internet. Anti-corruption mechanisms were almost non-existent until the formation of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), which itself is not independent. The MACC is controlled by the executive, which told MACC management what to pursue and what to ignore. The top echelons of the civil service looked after their own, bushing corruption under the carpet to avoid scandal. The media has been hindered by intimidation and harsh defamation laws to stifle the very concept of investigative journalism. With self-censorship, most newspapers and news portals have become nothing much more than mouthpieces for the government.

The ruling elite became untouchable, often citing the slogan “We are the law” in Malaysia. Criticizing royalty is basically taboo. Politicians and their cronies until now, have escaped legal scrutiny, due to a non-independent attorney general and public prosecutor. Defamation laws prevent local investigative journalists and activists exposing corruption. Whistleblowers are persecuted. 

Budgets and five-year plans unashamedly provided projects for the elite, who have been nurtured by Mahathir and Anwar Ibrahim’s development of crony capitalism in Malaysia during the 80s and 90s. Prize assets and monopolies were handed to these elite and even bailed out, if necessary. 

For fifty years the elite have run amok all over the Malaysian economy with ‘who you know capitalism’. The elite have taken the choice rent-seeking opportunities in the nation. Today, Malaysian politics and business is filled with a group of families, who dominate both political power and business. 

Malaysia’s political instability over the last 5 years doesn’t have racial origins. It is caused solely by a fragmented elite now fighting over power. The investigations and prosecutions going on now are the result of a deep rift within the elite. When this rift is patched up, business will most likely just go back to usual. 

All the governments have been led by the same old politicians, who are members of, or aligned with the elites. 

This situation is so blatant, new blood is being kept out or sidelined from government to the point, Malaysia doesn’t have the talent waiting in the wings to takeover power in the future. Economically, there are very few wealth creation segments within the economy. The elite have geared the economy towards rent-seeking activities they or their nominees’ control. Anyone who exposes them is sent into bankruptcy through legal proceedings.  

The elephant in the room is the elites, not racial division. Anyone who thinks otherwise has been fooled by the cover up over so many years.

Its ironical that the elites themselves are the ones exposing that class is Malaysia’s real problem. Mahathir’s pursuit of prosecuting former prime minister Najib Razak after GE14, exposed the riches he had. Now Anwar’s use of the MACC to investigate and prosecute the old cronies of the elite is exposing the charade. The people are supportive of their prosecutions and jailing. How long will it be before the people realize, who the real enemies have been over the last fifty years? 

Murray Hunter

Murray Hunter has been involved in Asia-Pacific business for the last 30 years as an entrepreneur, consultant, academic, and researcher. As an entrepreneur he was involved in numerous start-ups, developing a lot of patented technology, where one of his enterprises was listed in 1992 as the 5th fastest going company on the BRW/Price Waterhouse Fast100 list in Australia. Murray is now an associate professor at the University Malaysia Perlis, spending a lot of time consulting to Asian governments on community development and village biotechnology, both at the strategic level and “on the ground”. He is also a visiting professor at a number of universities and regular speaker at conferences and workshops in the region. Murray is the author of a number of books, numerous research and conceptual papers in referred journals, and commentator on the issues of entrepreneurship, development, and politics in a number of magazines and online news sites around the world. Murray takes a trans-disciplinary view of issues and events, trying to relate this to the enrichment and empowerment of people in the region.

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