When Love Meets Prejudice: The Dark-Skinned Muslim Woman’s Journey In America – Analysis
Introduction
Social developments profoundly impact daily routines and social interactions in contemporary culture, with norms and ideals playing a crucial role in perceptions of race. Intercultural marriage has become a significant topic in social anthropology due to increasing multiculturalism and globalization (Osanami Törngren et al., 2018). However, existing research on interracial marriages among Muslims, particularly between light-skinned and dark-skinned individuals, is limited. These unions remain rare, comprising a negligible portion of total marriages. When discussions arise about the rise of interracial marriage among Muslims, they often refer to light-skinned individuals marrying others of similar complexion, such as a Pakistani marrying an Egyptian or a Malaysian. A social distance persists that inhibits fair-skinned Muslims from marrying darker-skinned individuals, regardless of their background, social status, or nationality.
Debate regarding interracial marriage is prevalent in the United States, with varied perceptions of such relationships. Interracial marriage typically refers to unions between individuals of differing ethnicities or faiths, including marriages between Muslims and non-Muslims or individuals of different races. Interfaith marriage, particularly among Muslims, has faced scrutiny due to teachings in the Quran and cultural barriers. Despite this, many young people form relationships across racial lines, often driven by love. However, the notion of “colorblind love” assumes that interracial unions are ideal only if they align with personal compatibility.
The Quran emphasizes the importance of marrying within the same faith, while the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad underscore noble character and sincerity over ethnicity or culture. Nevertheless, cultural perspectives often influence views on compatibility, suggesting that marital choices among Muslims should prioritize cultural and ethnic similarities (Kulungu, 2008). Additionally, according to Kaba (2012), resistance to interracial marriage among light-skinned Muslim men stems from concerns about decreased attractiveness and availability within their social circles. Most studies on interracial marriage in the U.S. have primarily focused on relationships between white and Black individuals, leaving a gap in understanding the dynamics among Muslims.
This research aims to explore the factors influencing the lack of interracial and interethnic marriages among Muslims in the United States, particularly among individuals of African descent or dark pigmentation. It seeks to facilitate dialogue about interracial relationships within American Muslim communities and examine their reactions to these unions. Ultimately, the findings will illuminate the complexities of prejudice encountered when light-skinned individuals marry darker-skinned counterparts.
In many Arab and Muslim societies, traditional marriage often relies on arrangements made by family leaders with minimal input from the prospective spouses. Nonetheless, the rise of globalization and the Internet has led many young Muslims to reject this custom, choosing to seek partners independently. This shift has created a divide between traditionalists and modernists over mate selection. In these cultures, marriage is viewed as a civic and sacred institution. Female family members, including mothers, sisters, aunts, and cousins, typically play a key role in searching for a suitable match, often by leveraging their social networks and community knowledge (Korson, 1971). While family involvement is essential, final approval rests with the fathers or male heads of the families, with women usually managing wedding preparations.
Historically, U.S. laws against inter-ethnic relationships were based on racial segregation and discrimination (King & Bratter, 2007). The repeal of anti-interracial marriage laws in 1967 fostered greater acceptance of transracial unions, leading to a significant increase in interracial marriages. Many cultures increasingly embrace these unions, with life events like migration playing a key role in driving societal change.
Despite the growing acceptance of interracial relationships, couples in the Arab world, the Indian subcontinent, and Southeast Asia often face substantial challenges. Some individuals disapprove of interracial marriages entirely, favoring unions with lighter-skinned individuals while dismissing darker-skinned partners, citing compatibility issues. These prejudices often prevent even initial courtship between individuals of different skin tones.
Since the historic Loving v. Virginia decision over 50 years ago, the rate of interracial unions in the United States has steadily increased. Nevertheless, societal changes do not occur uniformly across the population. According to Pew Research, interracial marriage rates vary significantly based on factors such as race, age, and geographical location. While religious objections to interracial marriage were significant during the Loving case and continue today, they remain underexplored in empirical research, presenting a potential area for further exploration and understanding.
Learning from Past Inquiries
The issue of interracial marriage within the Muslim community has silently echoed through history, revealing a complex and often painful narrative that deserves greater recognition. Al-Jaahiz, a renowned 9th-century Arabic writer, addressed themes of race and beauty in his works, particularly in his notable text “The Book of Animals” (Kitab al-Hayawan). He argued against the prevailing racist notions of his time and celebrated the beauty and value of black skin. Al-Jaahiz accentuated that beauty is subjective and that characteristics of different races should not determine one’s worth.
Esteemed poets like Al-Jaahiz lamented its prevalence, yet the rich tapestry of this topic remains untold mainly, overshadowed by the biases of light-skinned Muslims who frequently dismiss the beauty of union with dark-skinned partners. In the vibrant multicultural landscapes of the West, these relationships are celebrated and examined, yet within Muslim circles, they are frequently overlooked. This underscores the urgent need for introspection and dialogue that challenges outdated perceptions and embraces the diversity of love.
The Quran promotes racial equality, as emphasized by El Hamil (2013), who notes that it does not prioritize one race over another nor even reference race in its creation narrative of Adam and Eve. Ghareeb (2011), a Muslim geneticist, argues that genetic diversity is genetically conceivable for two parents with lighter pigmentation to give birth to a dark-complexioned child. The Quran enlightens us and describes our multicultural, multi-language variation of skin texture to be celebrated, embraced, and recognized as beautification of Allah’s wonders. The Quran states: “And among His Signs is the creation of the heavens and the earth, and the variations in your languages and your colors: verily in that are signs for those who understand.” (Q 30:22). It further refers to all humans as descendants of a single soul, promoting unity and mutual respect (Q 4:1).
Prophet Muhammad addressed racism by challenging the entrenched tribalism and prejudice of his time. He advocated for racial equality through personal example and societal reforms. Notably, he married Safiyyah bint Huyayy, a Jewish woman, and Mariyah bint Sham’un, a dark-skinned Coptic woman, underscoring that compatibility in marriage transcends race and ethnicity. Prophet Muhammad underlined compatibility based on communication, shared religious values, and mutual understanding and attraction rather than racial or ethnic considerations. For instance, he advised Fatima bint Qays against marrying Abu Jahm and Mu’awiya ibn Abi Sufyan, citing practical reasons such as travel frequency and financial limitations rather than racial concerns (Bukhari and Muslim).
To dismantle racism, the Prophet Muhammad facilitated interracial marriages, particularly between dark-skinned men of African descent and light-skinned Arab women. These unions were strategic efforts to challenge societal biases and promote equality. While preferences for marrying within one’s ethnic group are natural, they can sometimes foster prejudices shaped by societal norms. Prophetic teachings explicitly caution against racial biases in mate selection, yet entrenched preferences remain. This underscores the urgent need for reflection within Muslim communities, to critically evaluate and align cultural practices with Islamic principles, and to strive for a more inclusive society.
Imam Zayd bin Ali (695–740 CE) meticulously documented numerous examples of such marriages orchestrated by the Prophet, a testament to his unwavering dedication to fostering racial inclusivity. These accounts, preserved in Kitab al-Tabaqat al-Kabir by Ibn Sa’d (Vol. 2, pp. 185–186) and Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk (History of the Prophets and Kings) by Al-Tabari (Vol. 2, pp. 523–525), serve as beacons of hope for a more inclusive future. For example, he listed the following unions:
Indeed, Zayd bin Harithah, a formerly enslaved person, married Zaynab bint Jahsh, a Quraysh woman. Bilal married Halah bint ‘Awf, the sister of Abdur Rahman bin ‘Awf [one of the richest of the Prophet’s companions]. Zurayq, a man freed from slavery by the Prophet of God, married ‘Amrah bint Bishr bin Abi Al-Aws bin Umayyah: Abdullah bin Razah, a formerly enslaved person by Mu’awiyah, married bint ‘Amr bin Hurayth. Ammar bin Yassir married the sister of ‘Amr bin Hurayth. Moreover, Abu Mijdham bin Abi Fakihah married a woman from Bani Zuhrah.
In summary, Islam’s foundational texts and the Prophet’s actions advocate for racial equality and inclusivity in marriage. However, cultural prejudices continue to challenge these ideals. Addressing these biases requires a renewed commitment to the teachings of the Quran and Sunnah, as well as proactive efforts to promote interracial understanding and unity among Muslims. Interracial marriage among Muslims remains an underexplored yet sensitive topic, particularly concerning light-skinned Muslims choosing dark-skinned partners. Historically, Islamic teachings and examples from the Prophet Muhammad’s time emphasize upright character and spirituality over racial or tribal considerations.
From Islamic teachings and historical precedents, Prophet Muhammad explicitly discouraged prioritizing tribal or social alliances over virtue and noble character. Imam al-Tirmidhi (824–892) recorded the Prophet’s instruction: “If someone comes to marry and you are pleased with his religion and character, then marry him. If not, there will be chaos and widespread corruption on the earth.” Numerous historical accounts highlight interracial marriages during the Prophet’s time. Imam Muslim (821- 875) documented Usamah bin Zayd’s marriage to Fatimah bint Qays, while Ibn al-Jawzi (1116–1201) noted Sa’ad al-Aswad’s marriage to Aminah bint ‘Amr bin Wahb. Imam Abd ar-Razzaq as-San‘ani (744–827), as cited by Motzki (1991), recorded Julaybib’s marriage to a woman from the Ansar, and Imam al-Tabari (839–923) narrated Sirin’s marriage to Hassan ibn Thabit, which produced ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Hassan. These examples underscore Islam’s promotion of racial inclusivity, with skin pigmentation having no bearing on marital suitability.
Imam al-Suyuti (1445–1505) also highlighted the Prophet’s rejection of racial prejudice, exemplified in his rebuke of Abu Dharr al-Ghaffari for insulting Bilal, a black Abyssinian companion. The Prophet declared that righteousness, not lineage, determines one’s worth in the sight of God. The Prophet gradually challenged the 7th-century Arabian racial biases through teachings and actions, fostering egalitarianism and inclusion.
Globally, studies on interracial marriage have predominantly focused on white and black unions in the U.S. (Qian & Lichter, 2011) and inter-caste or inter-religious marriages in countries like India (Ahuja & Ostermann, 2016; Goli, Singh, & Sekher, 2013). Matthijs Kalmijn (1998) identified three factors influencing multiracial marriages: individual preferences, structural opportunities for interaction, and societal influences on mate selection.
In many Muslim-majority countries, early marriage arranged by parents exemplifies cultural conformity, reflecting deeply held societal values. Parents often prioritize endogamy—marriage within the same community—to preserve traditions and maintain cultural identity, as noted by Goode (1963). Nonetheless, complications arise with exogamy, or marrying outside one’s group, due to linguistic and cultural differences that can create barriers to connection. This challenge, underlined by Hwang et al. (1997) and Stevens and Swicegood (1987), underscores the issue’s complexity. Consequently, the interplay of tradition and cultural complexity significantly influences marriage practices in these regions.
In the U.S., a 2017 Pew Research survey revealed that 17% of Muslims under 39 married non-Muslims, compared to 9% of older Muslims. The survey noted growing societal acceptance of interracial marriage, with approval rising from 24% in 2010 to 39% in 2017. Dr. Youssef Chouhoud’s research in April 2018 for the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding examined interracial marriage among American Muslims. His findings revealed no significant difference in interracial marriage rates across Muslim age groups. However, dark-skinned Muslims were less likely than their light-skinned counterparts to marry outside their ethnicity, often due to societal biases against darker skin tones.
While Islamic teachings advocate for racial equality in marriage, many contemporary Muslim communities struggle to embody these values due to entrenched cultural norms and social pressures. Dark-skinned Muslims often face significant challenges, including exclusion and bias. To address these issues, further research is needed to identify barriers to interracial marriage and foster racial inclusivity within Muslim societies. Engaging in this dialogue can promote acceptance and unity, paving the way for a more equitable representation of all ethnicities in the Muslim community.
The data show that religion can be a powerful force for good when approached with openness. A positive interpretation of the Quran and Prophet Muhammad’s teachings fosters appreciation for multiculturalism and highlights that inner character is valued over skin color, which is essential for breaking down cultural barriers within the diverse Muslim community in the U.S. Despite this, prejudice against dark-skinned individuals, particularly in interracial marriages, continues to exist. We must confront these issues and encourage acceptance, as meaningful change requires action. This study aims to inspire Muslims to live by the Quran and Sunnah, promoting unity within our community.
The Influence of Parents on Mate Selection Among Muslims
In various Middle Eastern, North African, and Asian cultures, parental involvement in mate selection remains prominent, often resulting in parents choosing spouses for children with minimal input from the individuals seeking marriages. For instance, Menon (1989) claims that many Indian weddings in the United States were pre-arranged throughout the early 20th Century. Parents prioritize family history, religious affiliation, ethnicity, and social status to ensure continuity within their social groups. This emphasizes the societal norm where parental approval is a critical component of marriage decisions, particularly in Muslim-dominant cultures across the Indian Subcontinent and Africa.
Historically, as noted by Perilloux, Fleischman, and Buss (2008) and Schlomer, Del Giudice, and Ellis (2011), parents, particularly mothers, have wielded significant influence in their children’s mate selection. Unconditional obedience to parental preferences on mate selection is predominant in many cultures, impacting individuals’ choices and perpetuating similar expectations (Polzenhagen & Frey, 2017). Though Islamic teachings encourage respect for parents, this does not imply absolute compliance, particularly in personal matters like marriage—a decision that must ultimately align with the individuals involved.
Buunk, Parks, and Dubbs (2008) assert that immigrant parents’ desire to control mate selection stems from a commitment to preserving social and ethnic cohesion. This contrasts with modern values stressing individual choice and romantic compatibility, suggesting discord between generational expectations. Even within immigrant families, marrying outside the established cultural or ethnic group is often met with resistance, as parents perceive such unions as threats to familial cohesion. Islamic principles acknowledge the importance of parental guidance while affirming that marriage is ultimately the personal choice of the individuals involved.
As Imam Bukhari noted in his prophetic hadith collection, the wife of Thabit ibn Qays came to the Prophet. She stated, “O Prophet of God, there is none more resolute than Thabit as it relates to religion and morals, but I am not in love with him.” The Prophet said, “Will you return his garden to him?” She said, “Yes,” she returned the garden to him, and he divorced her. As mentioned in this prophetic statement, loving the person one desires to marry and having chemistry yield a happy marriage. Regrettably, in our time, marvelous religious characteristics and mutual love have lost their fundamental role in determining whether a person is suitable and compatible to marry. This encapsulates the essence of marriage as a partnership based on mutual love, respect, and chemistry, which can unfortunately become overshadowed by rigid cultural expectations in contemporary contexts.
Exploring the dynamics of interracial marriages through Allport’s Contact Hypothesis (1979) reveals how intergroup interactions can mitigate bias and promote acceptance. Pettigrew (1998) notes that effective contact requires equal status, shared goals, and institutional support, which can foster positive perceptions across cultural divides. In the U.S., research by Jacobson and Johnson (2006) demonstrates that increased social interaction among diverse groups enhances attitudes toward interracial marriage. Thus, as integration within societies increases, so does the potential for positive familial acceptance of diverse marital choices, which can counterbalance traditional norms.
Allport’s Contact Hypothesis (Gordon Allport, 1892–1967) posits that interracial hostility stems from psychological processes shaped by interpersonal interactions rather than objective truths (Allport, 1979). While it cannot entirely eliminate prejudice, the hypothesis offers strategies to reduce intergroup bias, emphasizing equal status and shared goals (Dovidio et al., 2003; Pettigrew, 1998). Pettigrew (Wilhelm Pettigrew, 1924–2019) further asserted that potential connections among diverse social groups are essential for effective interaction and bias reduction (Pettigrew, 1997). Enhanced intergroup interactions cultivate positive sentiments, reducing bias in integrated societies. In the United States, studies by Jacobson and Johnson (2006) demonstrate that friendships across racial lines positively influence attitudes toward interracial marriage.
Methodology
In this research, we conducted a concise review of the literature regarding interracial marriage among Muslims, primarily in the U.S. We identified and located primary and secondary sources. This historical research aimed to gather, substantiate, and synthesize evidence from past trends on multiracial marriage among Muslims in the U.S. to establish facts that defend or refute a supposition. Furthermore, studying past trends from the Prophet Muhammad’s time to the present enables us to understand better our societal problems and the communities in which we live. Thus, later generations of open-minded Muslim thinkers, commonsense Muslims, and young adults will be stimulated and develop a much more indebtedness for understanding and finding solutions to current societal challenges today (Buckley, 2016).
This study used a historical analysis method to examine data to understand better how the past image of interracial Marriage among Muslims has evolved. Evidence found in documents is particularly well-suited to this technique but can be used for any artifact. This study used data from the Quran, the prophetic tradition, the history of Islam, Pew Research Center’s Survey of Multiracial Adult Marriage in the Muslim World, and the United States. In addition, this study used data from the Institute for Social Policy Understanding (ISPU), the Gallup Poll, the U.S. Census Bureau, Arabnews.com, and other sources to investigate the trend of interracial marriage within the Muslim community in the United States.
Using this research information, we made it possible to trace the issue of interracial marriage among Muslim light-skinned and dark-skinned people, from which the future of interracial marriage and integration can be expected. Of course, our interpretation of trends concerning this matter is subject to change as new data is uncovered, new voices are heard, and new understanding emerges. Nevertheless, this research supports interpretations with historical evidence to construct closely extrapolated and reasoned arguments rather than emotional and unsubstantiated opinions.
The Demographics of Muslims in The United States
Dr. Gina Zurlo, a historian and demographer, estimated the U.S. Muslim population in 2016 at over 4.4 million, or 1.4% of the total population, in her October 8, 2019, analysis for Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary. Zurlo argues that her estimate exceeds Pew Research’s figure of 3.3 million (1.0% of the U.S. population), which relies on self-identification and census data. She stated, “Our figure is higher than Pew’s because we utilize an assessment of the size of ethnic communities in the United States to generate our estimate, whereas Pew’s estimate of 3.3% (1.0% of the U.S. population) is based on self-identification in surveys in combination with U.S. census data (also a valid and helpful way to measure religion).” She points out that many Muslims fear government tracking, leading to significant underreporting in the Census. This notion aligns with my 2008 dissertation research, where projections from Pew and scholars like Dr. Suleyman Nyang and Dr. Ihsan Bagby indicated that around 3.2 million Muslims in the U.S.
As of 2024, the Muslim population is anticipated to have grown significantly due to natural increase, birth, conversion, and migration. Currently, 58% of Muslim adults are first-generation immigrants, 18% are second-generation Americans, and only 24% are native-born, with ties going back three generations. Notably, Muslims are three times more likely to immigrate to the U.S. than non-Muslims, according to the Pew Research Center (2020), highlighting their significant contributions to American society. This potential growth underscores the implication of understanding and studying the U.S. Muslim population trends.
Here is a pie chart that visually represents the demographics of Muslim adults in the United States, drawing on research from the ILM Foundation Research Institute of Los Angeles and the Pew Research Center. This chart breaks down the Muslim population into three distinct categories: first-generation immigrants, who comprise a significant portion; second-generation Americans; and native-born individuals, including African Americans with ancestral ties extending back three generations. The chart provides a clear overview of the rich and complex diversity within the Muslim community, highlighting the contributions of immigrants and the integration of subsequent generations into American society.
Compared to native-born Muslims in the United States, Muslim immigrants tend to be more ethnically diverse (41 percent vs. 10 percent). Native-born American Muslims are likelier to be black than Muslim immigrants in the United States (32 percent vs. 11 percent). Muslims who have resided in the United States for three generations or longer are disproportionately drawn from under-represented groups of the population (51 percent)
Interracial Marriage Among American Muslims
Statistics from the 2019 American Muslim Survey were used to research interracial marriage within and beyond the American Muslim community. Figure 1 shows that there is a distinct religious divide between married couples. The percentage of people married to someone of a different race is in the single digits among Jews, white evangelicals, and Protestants who are not white evangelicals. In the three combined categories, inter-ethnic marriage is more prevalent among Muslims, Catholics, and other religious groups than non-affiliated people. Nearly one-fifth of Muslims say they marry someone not of their race.

Focusing on Muslims, the study reveals critical insights into how the community’s demographics relate to interracial marriage trends. As shown in Figure 2, Muslims aged 30–49 show a slight increase in interracial marriage rates compared to younger individuals aged 18–29, suggesting greater openness influenced by evolving societal norms. Yet, it is essential to note that there is a striking decline in interracial marriage among those over fifty. While this drop is statistically inconsequential, it does indicate that older generations are also open to change and may someday embrace more inclusive practices. This trend echoes patterns in the general public and underscores how cultural factors shape perceptions of marriage across age groups. The observed disparities within the Muslim community spotlight a gradual shift toward acceptance and integration, reflecting an evolution in attitudes toward race and marriage.
Though specific data on endogamous (within the same group) versus exogamous (outside the group) marriages among Muslims by age group is limited, trends indicate younger Muslims are increasingly open to intermarriage; first-generation still prefer to marry light-skinned partners over dark-skinned ones. This shift, substantially influenced by greater exposure to diverse cultures through social media and cross-cultural interactions, makes them prioritize personal compatibility over traditional expectations based on ethnicity or religion. As younger generations embrace these connections, they foster a more inclusive perspective within Muslim communities, enriching cultural diversity and promoting understanding, even amid resistance from more traditional segments.
Regarding the breakdown of interracial marriage, Muslims deviate sharply from mainstream norms. Concerning inter-racial marriage, black Muslims are less likely than similar black peers in the general population to engage in such activities (see Graph 3). The trends indicate that black Muslims are not equally considered in an interracial marriage. Interracial marriages between Muslim women of color and men of other races are almost non-existent. It creates a vacuum and an avalanche of surplus, forcing many black Muslim women to consider interreligious marriage rather than marry their Muslim counterparts.

Even though interracial marriage is correlated with “integration” or “assimilation” between Muslims and the rest of society, this is still an open subject. Research on marrying and assimilation has been questioned in recent years. Using this data will provide a pathway to conclude that the American Muslim experience is reflected in the community’s unparalleled diversity. This demographic fact will undoubtedly shape the future shape of “American Islam.”
Findings, Discussion, and Analysis
Since the landmark Loving v. Virginia decision in 1967, interracial marriage rates in the United States have steadily increased. Nevertheless, this trend is not uniform across the population. According to a Pew Research Center study (American Muslim Poll, 2020), rates of interracial marriage differ significantly based on factors such as age, race, and urban versus rural residence. While religious beliefs have historically influenced the dialogue surrounding interracial marriage, empirical studies, particularly within the Muslim community, play a crucial role in understanding the dynamics of this complex social phenomenon.
Al-Johar’s (2005) qualitative study of 27 Sunni Muslims in Houston, Texas, provided fascinating insights into mate selection among American-born Muslims and their immigrant counterparts. This research demonstrated that respondents’ cultural backgrounds significantly shaped their preferences for marriage types: arranged marriages, self-initiated marriages, and self-achieved marriages. Al-Johar found that individuals with strong ethnic ties were more inclined towards arranged marriages with those resembling their cultural background, while those prioritizing their Islamic identity often pursued self-initiated marriages. Conversely, individuals who identified primarily as American tended towards self-achieved marriages. Although the sample size limits the generalizability of these findings, it sheds light on the profound influence of cultural identity on marital choices.
Besides, light-skinned Muslim immigrants have faced challenges regarding interracial marriages, often adhering to arranged marriage structures that promote cultural preservation and restrict social mingling outside their ethnic groups. This practice is deeply rooted in traditions from various regions, including the Middle East, North Africa, and South Asia, which stress heritage and community ties. Such cultural conditioning can create substantial barriers to interracial relationships, as individuals may feel compelled to marry within their ethnic or religious communities.
Recent data from the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding (2019) indicates that Muslims in the 30-49 age group are slightly more likely to engage in interracial marriages compared to younger Muslims aged 18-29. Nevertheless, among individuals aged 50 and above, such marriages have a notable decline (International Shia News Agency, 2020). The American Muslim Poll further revealed that Muslim women are increasingly open to marrying non-Muslims, with interracial marriage rates being notably higher among Muslim men than women. For instance, Linda Franklin Yildirim’s experience illustrates a successful interracial relationship, indicating that analogous acceptance can transcend racial boundaries (Mills, 2020). Despite persistent hesitance within the community, social acceptance and evolving views on multiculturalism are contributing to a gradual increase in interracial marriages among Muslims.
The topic of race and skin color remains highly sensitive and often avoided, especially among Muslims in the United States. Research on interracial marriage in the U.S. has historically focused on black-and-white relationships, yet the findings reveal broader implications for marriage within Muslim communities. As noted by Russell, Wilson, and Hall (1992), many middle-class immigrant Muslims perceive marrying a white or fair-skinned individual as a marker of social mobility and higher status. Equally, marriage to a black individual is often seen as lower social standing, reflecting a deeply ingrained racial bias within these communities.
The roots of racism in many Muslim-majority regions, including the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia, precede colonialism but were significantly amplified during colonial rule. These societies were conditioned to associate whiteness with privilege and superiority, a mindset that persists today. In the U.S., this bias manifests during census classifications, where many light-skinned Muslims identify as white, believing it provides a social advantage. According to a 2017 Pew Research survey, 40% of respondents self-identified as white, with many from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region despite their ethnic Arab heritage. This highlights the lingering psychological impact of colonial-era racial hierarchies.
Research by Dr. Youssef Chouhoud in the 2020 ISPU American Muslim Poll revealed that most MENA Muslims born outside the U.S. exhibit subconscious biases favoring whiteness. This internalized superiority often shapes their views on marriage, where fair-skinned individuals are deemed more attractive and socially privileged, while dark-skinned people are marginalized. This racial stratification leads to the rejection of black individuals as marriage partners, regardless of their religious devotion, education, or social standing. In short, it represents the lingering racism and, more so, of Post-Colonial Psychological Effects.
Psychological studies suggest prolonged exposure to familiar norms creates biases against the unfamiliar. For many immigrant Muslims, racial compatibility in marriage is often linked to preserving a perceived “pure” lineage, akin to the debunked racial superiority theories espoused by Adolf Hitler. This notion lacks scientific or genetic validity and stems solely from entrenched racism. Consequently, the fear of diluting perceived social status perpetuates discriminatory practices, especially in marital decisions.
Personal Stories of Racism in Marriage
The experiences of Muslims in Dearborn, Michigan, illustrate the social repercussions of interracial marriages. As reported by Hassan Khalifeh (2016), Nada, a Lebanese American woman, faced ostracism from her community for marrying an African American man. Similarly, Rahiel Housey, another Lebanese American, endured a similar community backlash for marrying a black Caribbean man. These stories expose the hypocrisy in the Muslim ideal of “One Ummah,” where unity is professed, but racial prejudice undermines true inclusivity.
Nailah Dean, an Afro-Latina Muslim attorney, documented her struggles with racial bias in the Muslim marriage market in a 2020 Al Jazeera article: “The Hidden Racism of the Muslim Marriage Market.” Her piece described her encounter with other black females and Muslim matrimonial matchmakers. Matchmaking services often paired her exclusively with black men, ignoring her broader preferences. Additionally, when courting an Arab man in Boston, she faced rejection from his family solely based on her mixed-race background. Such incidents reveal that racial prejudice, not religious or character-based compatibility, often dictates marital decisions.
On December 22, 2024, during an engaging discussion about my research with Dr. Mukhtar Ahmed Belem, he opened up about a poignant experience from his past that profoundly impacted him. In 2018, while serving as the Imam at Masjid Issa Ibn Maryam in New Castle, Delaware, he encountered and befriended a man from a Gulf country searching for a marriage partner. The conversation took a disturbing turn when the man openly dismissed Black women as potential spouses, declaring he felt no attraction and feeling for them. This stark expression of racial bias struck Dr. Mukhtar Belem deeply, resonating with the painful echoes of prejudice he, as an African man, had faced in his life. This personal connection to the issue made the man’s blatant racism not only shake him but also overshadow any sense of respect he might have had for the individual. It was a moment that illuminated the harsh realities of discrimination in personal relationships, leaving Dr. Mukhtar Belem to grapple with the weight of such intolerance among Muslims.
The rejection of black Muslims by fair-skinned Muslims reveals a prioritization of race over shared faith. Terms like “abd” or “habshi” are still used derogatorily to describe black individuals, reflecting centuries of entrenched prejudice. This mindset contradicts Islamic teachings, which accentuate equality and the eradication of racial hierarchies, as exemplified by Prophet Muhammad’s inclusive practices. The persistent gap between Islamic ideals and the actions of many Muslims underscores the urgent need for self-reflection and societal change within these communities.
European colonial powers divided and classified the populations of colonized regions in the Middle East, Asia, Africa, and Latin America along race and skin pigmentation, fostering division and domination. This legacy perpetuated tribalism, caste systems, and racism within third-world societies. The Eurocentric ideal of white superiority intensified issues of race, embedding a psychological preference for fair skin as the standard of beauty and social supremacy. This construct continues to impact individuals in former colonies, with lighter-skinned individuals often benefiting from higher status while darker-skinned people face marginalization.
Among Muslims from these regions, the colonial legacy persists, mainly regarding marriage. Generations of Muslim immigrants in Western nations, despite assimilation and advancement, cling to the belief that dark skin signifies lower social and aesthetic value. This preference, rooted in tradition rather than faith, reflects a failure to internalize Islamic teachings on equality and human worth. Skin color continues to serve as a determinant of marital compatibility, with light skin equating to beauty and social standing.
Arab communities provide a stark example of this phenomenon. Women often use skin-lightening products or even bleach water to maintain fair skin, a practice fueled by societal pressure to conform to Eurocentric beauty ideals. This bias not only distorts Islamic values but undermines the deeper qualities of character and compatibility emphasized in Islamic teachings. For instance, the Qur’an (28:26) recounts Prophet Shu’ayb’s daughter valuing Prophet Moses for his moral strength and trustworthiness, qualities far removed from superficial judgments.
Islam’s emphasis on compatibility in marriage prioritizes spiritual, emotional, and psychological harmony over cultural or racial sameness. As stated in the Qur’an (30:21), God created mates to provide love, compassion, and tranquility. This concept of compatibility transcends pigmentation appearance, focusing on shared values, mutual respect, natural attraction and the ability to support and grow with one another. These principles challenge the superficial biases perpetuated by cultural traditions.
Muslims must critically examine the cultural filters shaping their perceptions. While cultural heritage and traditions deserve recognition, they should not hinder justice, equity, and understanding. Allowing outdated beliefs to dictate behavior fosters division and marital discord. Proper growth requires acknowledging cultural limitations and embracing the diversity inherent in God’s creation as a means of unity rather than division.
Scientific evidence further dispels misconceptions about race and genetics. Dr. Bilal Ghareeb, a molecular genetics scholar, notes that two light-skinned parents can naturally have a dark-skinned child, a fact that counters prejudices rooted in ignorance. Historically, Arabs were dark-skinned, as corroborated by sources like Ibn Sa’d’s account of Ali ibn Abi Talib, described “(Adam Shadid al-Udmah).” as “exceedingly dark brown-skinned.” This evidence challenges modern Arab notions of whiteness as a symbol of superiority.
Scholars like Dr. Abdullah bin Hamid Ali have highlighted how historical Arab societies valued shared customs and language over skin color. His 2021 article in the Lamppost Education Initiative underscores that whiteness among Arabs was rare and viewed as an exception rather than the norm. However, modern Muslims often fail to acknowledge figures like Bilal ibn Rabah, a trusted companion of the Prophet, for their accomplishments rather than their skin color. Besides, he articulated that white skin among Arabs is not the norm and stated the following:
Premodern populations generally distinguished themselves by language and shared customs and far less by skin color. This is not to suggest that Arabs, for instance, ignored the phenotypic differences between themselves and other geo-populations, like the Byzantines, Levantines, and Persians, whom Arabs classified as “whites” (Hamra) due to their pale skin tone. However, they definitely considered the “whiteness” of the groups mentioned above a rarity among Arabia’s population.
Many Muslims, particularly Middle Easterners and South Asians, continue to prioritize endogamous marriages to preserve cultural and ethnic homogeneity. This preference perpetuates racial barriers and frames interracial unions as a threat to cultural purity. In a nutshell, the persistence of racial biases within Muslim communities stems from a conflation of cultural traditions with religious values. Addressing these biases requires a return to Islamic principles of equality, mutual respect, and spiritual compatibility. By challenging entrenched prejudices, Muslims can foster a more inclusive, equitable understanding of marriage that aligns with their faith and the realities of an increasingly diverse world.
A Critical Examination of Social and Cultural Dynamics
Flyer’s study highlights that educational attainment and neighborhood characteristics significantly shape racial interactions and stereotypes. Higher levels of education among Asian and white populations correlate with increased intermarriage rates between these groups. These findings suggest that educational achievement fosters social engagement, thus facilitating interracial unions (Flyer, 2007). Whites and Asians demonstrate the highest intermarriage rates among racial groups, reflecting their broader social interaction opportunities.
The role of cross-racial friendships in influencing attitudes toward interracial unions is profound. Jacobson and Johnson (2006) argue that African Americans’ perspectives on interracial marriage provide unique insights into intergroup relations. Their research supports the hypothesis that close, sustained interactions with diverse racial groups cultivate more tolerant and open-minded attitudes. This social psychology framework emphasizes the transformative impact of friendships across racial boundaries on societal acceptance of interracial relationships.
Proponents of endogamous marriages contend that cultural and linguistic similarities reinforce shared values and social harmony. This is especially prevalent among Arabs, Middle Easterners, South Asians, and Muslims, both in their homelands and diasporas. However, the practice often marginalizes black individuals, who generally exhibit greater openness toward interracial unions. Skin pigmentation and cultural conformity frequently influence partner selection, with lighter-skinned individuals prioritizing these attributes (Stevens et al., 2012). While endogamy is often defended as a cultural safeguard, it may perpetuate ethnocentrism and inhibit social cohesion.
Endogamy also faces criticism for its social and genetic limitations. Nazim (2004) notes that the restrictive nature of arranged marriages can hinder emotional and personal growth, leading to social isolation within couples. Prophet Muhammad emphasized the importance of marrying outside the family bloodline to avoid the risks of inbreeding and hereditary health issues, which were especially relevant in a society where familial and tribal bonds were often the basis of marriage. “Do not marry your close relatives, for if you marry within your family, diseases and illnesses may spread.” (Muslim, Hadith 3256). In another hadith, the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said, “Marry those who are different from you and let them marry those who are different from them.” (Sunan Ibn Majah, Hadith 1965). Dzimiri (2014) cautioned against the genetic risks of endogamy, such as hereditary diseases, while emphasizing the social necessity of exogamy in broadening cultural understanding. As cited in Pappu (2016), Durkheim underscores the importance of exposing children to diverse norms to instill adaptability and mutual respect, which endogamous practices often fail to provide.
The negative attitude of endogamy among Muslims, particularly those of lighter skin, reflects broader cultural and racial dynamics. Studies by Andreassen (2013) reveal that immigrant Muslim communities in the U.S. and Canada often isolate themselves from other racial and cultural groups. This segregation fosters “parallel societies,” undermining efforts toward multicultural integration. Light-skinned Muslims’ aversion to interracial marriage further perpetuates social distancing and hinders unity within the Muslim community.
Understanding the cultural and ethnic dynamics of endogamy and interracial marriage among Muslims is essential for promoting inclusivity. Over time, perceptions of multiracial unions have shifted, though resistance persists. This inquiry offers insights to academia, religious institutions, and the broader public by encouraging open-mindedness and multicultural engagement. It calls for the Muslim community to embrace diversity and foster social cohesion within and beyond its cultural boundaries.
This study sheds light on inter-Muslim marriage dynamics, emphasizing the need for greater inclusivity and multiculturalism. By addressing biases within light-skinned Muslim communities toward darker-skinned Muslims, these findings encourage open-mindedness and understanding. The investigation has implications for academia, Muslim schools, mosques, and the broader public, promoting a nuanced understanding of culture and ethnicity in the Islamic world, particularly in the U.S.
Contributions and Limitations of the Study
This study takes a unique perspective, delving into the social distance between Black individuals and fair-skinned Muslims. It specifically addresses how cultural norms and expectations from Middle Eastern, South Asian, and other fair-skinned Muslim communities influence marriage choices. By sparking discussions on interracial marriage, the research aims to engage academics, community leaders, and Muslim youth in addressing this critical issue. The overarching goal is to find practical solutions that foster acceptance and understanding of interracial marriages within Muslim communities, ultimately bridging social gaps and promoting inclusivity.
The findings of this research hold the potential to inspire North American Muslims to embrace cultural diversity and overcome ingrained prejudices that hinder interracial relationships. The study underlines the significant influence of cultural norms and parental consent in mate selection, arguing that, although some individuals may express openness to marrying outside their ethnic background, there is still substantial room for improvement in promoting cultural diversity. By confronting these biases, Muslims can enhance their acceptance of diversity, cultivating a community grounded in inclusivity and mutual respect.
Many Muslims in the United States lead lives characterized by segregation, favoring relationships with those of similar ethnic backgrounds, particularly within communities centered around mosques. This study aims to diminish the social distance perceived by Arabs, South Asians, and fair-skinned Muslims toward individuals with darker skin tones. It encourages acceptance of interracial marriage to enhance social cohesion within diverse communities. The research intends to foster a more inclusive environment within Muslim spaces by addressing these issues.
Moreover, this research aspires to stimulate academic and community discourse regarding interracial marriage and enrich understanding among Muslim communities in the United States. The empirical findings will be communicated broadly, reaching Muslim educational institutions, mosques, and the general public. In an era marked by rising racism, the outcome of this study is intended to promote open-mindedness and cultivate a multicultural spirit among American Muslims, highlighting how cultural practices heavily influence mate selection.
Despite the study’s contributions, certain limitations must be acknowledged. Primarily, the scope of the research is relatively narrow, focusing on interracial marriage within the Muslim American demographic without claiming comprehensive representation of the global Muslim community. Additionally, the study draws predominantly from Sunni sources, with a limited representation of Shia perspectives. Nonetheless, the findings underscore the importance of addressing anti-Black sentiments and the challenges faced by interracial couples within the Muslim community. It is crucial for future research to explore the evolving views of fair-skinned Muslim immigrants toward marrying dark-skinned individuals, as this will further enrich the discourse surrounding multicultural marriage and Islam.
Recommendation
These recommendations are based on data from several studies this research has covered.
- Muslims must retain their integrity and image globally by accepting others and eliminating racism in choosing whom to interact with, be it intimately or any other way. Keeping limits on marriage discredits Islam and damages our communities.
- Some conventional and classical Quranic interpretations should be revisited, reexamined scrupulously, and rewritten to reflect the ever-changing social conditions and challenges, allowing Muslims to intra-marrying, and coexist peacefully with all Muslims and non-Muslims.
- Muslim society should shun contentious cultures like consanguineous marriage, which has proved to cause more harm than good. Changing social norms necessitates resocialization.
Conclusion
Further research is essential to deepen the understanding of social dynamics and relational phenomena regarding interracial marriage among Muslims in North America, particularly between fair-skinned and dark-skinned individuals. This study expands the discourse beyond social-religious issues to address broader discussions on social perception and racism. Interracial marriage has gained visibility in the U.S. Muslim community, and this research encourages ongoing, authentic dialogues on multiracial unions among Muslim scholars, Imams, community leaders, youth, and progressive Muslims.
Cultural and ethnic distinctions are significant barriers for many Muslims, especially fair-skinned individuals, in considering partners outside their backgrounds. Immigrant parents heavily influence their children’s mate selection, seeking to preserve cultural continuity and genetic ties. While parental authority is rooted in tradition, children should recognize the limits of obedience that do not contradict religious teachings. Ultimately, loyalty to parents can only extend so far, as unconditional obedience belongs solely to God and His Messenger regarding religious matters.
This study underlines the responsibility of open-minded, second-generation Muslim youth to prioritize their Muslim identity in practice rather than mere words. They must challenge racial prejudices, parental control, and harmful cultural expectations, advocating for a view of marriage in Islam that transcends race. While cultural influences shape individuals, they should not dictate the acceptance of non-relatives or outsiders in marriage. This research aims to confront entrenched misconceptions and customs misattributed to Islam, affirming that culture should not overshadow religious principles. Ultimately, interracial marriages are entirely permissible in Islam, and Muslims of genuine faith and sound judgment must reject beliefs rooted in racism and the preservation of genetic and cultural unity. Lastly, it must be stated that interracial marriages are clearly and impeccably permitted in Islam, and every Muslim of genuine faith and sound mind needs to move away from thinking and beliefs anchored on racist premises by hiding behind genetic and cultural continuity preservation.
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